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About the Arrangement of the Palestinian Home, about the National Standards
By: Moatasem Hamadeh
October 26, 2017
 

There is no meaning to the national standards and to the arrangement of the Palestinian home, without the unified national program and the principle of national partnership.

With each round of national dialogue for the Palestinian factions and the civil society institutions, the voices which call for what they name adherence to the Palestinian national standards, rise. Voices from the Oslo camp, and from outside it, regardless of the political and intellectual background of each party. Thus, when entering into the details, it is clear that the Palestinian national standards are not the same for everyone and that each party is viewing them from its own side.

Also, the voices which call for the rearrangement of the Palestinian home, rise and when entering into the details, in this regard, also there are clear differences between the visions of how to rearrange this home.

The two issues, in our view, are two top-level political issues, which are closely related to the issue of any national program we want. As the standards are the permanent titles of national program, the program of liberation from occupation and settlement and the achievement of comprehensive legitimate national rights.

Moreover, the arrangement of the Palestinian home, is only an organizational necessity for the achievement of these rights, and on the basis of consensus on these rights, will be the building of Palestinian home, as the home is not a target in itself; but it aims to unify the Palestinian national efforts in the context of the battle for liberation from occupation and settlement and the achievement of legitimate national rights of the people of Palestine.

In order not to be confused, the national program is the one which unites the Palestinian people and its rights in all areas of its existence:

• In the areas of 48, in the heart of Zionist entity, where the battle revolves against the policies of the Zionist system's racist laws, and in favor of the rights of equality of citizenship with safeguarding the national political and cultural rights and other for the Arab Palestinians, on the way to dismantle this Zionist system and its administrations, as a part of the struggle for the just national solution to the Palestinian issue and establishing the democratic civil state in Palestine, on the basis of equality of citizenship and social justice.

• In Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the liberation from occupation and settlement, and the establishment of an independent and sovereign Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital, with the 4th of June 1967 borders.

• In diaspora and immigrating areas and refugee areas, such as camps in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and elsewhere, the struggle for the right to return to the homes and properties from which refugees have been displaced since 1948 and to compensate for the material and moral damages which they suffered during the years of unjust displacement.

All this should be in the context of the right of self-determination, within the framework of the just national solution to the Palestinian cause, as mentioned earlier, which preserves the national character of the Palestinian people and its political entity over its entire homeland.

Although we have not presented any new in this summary, the importance of this, should be in using it as a response to the calls that have been issued for what they call a dialogue for a new Palestinian program, ignoring the fact that the national program, which we referred to its general provisions, is not just ideas that have been formulated, but it is an outcome of the struggle and sacrifices of Palestinian people that enabled it, under the leadership of its political forces in the PLO, to regain its national identity, restore its position among the rest of the peoples, and re-consider its cause as a national liberation issue for a struggling people for freedom and self-determination, not just refugees.

Moreover, this program would not have developed with its ideas, orientations and mechanisms, had it not made its way, constituted a title for the Palestinian people, and accumulated political, diplomatic, legal, moral and military victories, in which precious sacrifices were made. Therefore, any assumption that the page of this program should be folded, by claiming that the facts have overtaken it, is only ignorance to these facts and how to face them. Perhaps the most dangerous thing is to tamper with the national programs, under the name of renewal, at a time when the renewal is just a futile trial, a waste of time, and loss of compass.

Also, the return of all of us to the National Accord Document (2006), which has drawn the mechanisms and methods of the struggle, to accomplish the national project with its unified program, allows us to regain many of the trends, that have fallen back because of the policy of division, that has brought the Palestinian situation into a serious political impasse , and because of the policy of Oslo team, which has disrupted the national track for years , in a failed bet on the fruitless American projects.

As for the arrangement of Palestinian home, it should be built on the national unity, based on the unity of the program and the principle of national partnership, through institutions that are formed by free and fair elections, in accordance with the system of full proportional representation, with enabling the position of youth and women in their closed lists.

Moreover, without the national program, there is no meaning to arrange the Palestinian home, and no sense of the issue of national unity, as the national unity is to unite the Palestinian people, in all its classes, groups and political forces, upon the national program. The experience has proved that the Oslo program has shattered and threatened the unity of people and its political forces. In addition to that, the programs drawn to the right and left of national program, failed to attract the Palestinian popular situation and to made their way, so they announced their political failure and returned to the embrace of national program, and who did not do so, has remained on the sidelines of the Palestinian situation and its political movement.

The ultimate meaning of the arrangement of Palestinian home is the agreement on the unified program. Again, it is worthy to mention that the National Reconciliation Document, is the one that succeeded in attracting all Palestinian forces, the civil society institutions, the national figures, and the official institutions of PA and PLO, to the unity of political position, program and vision, in how the struggle to break the way of this program towards implementation, and towards achieving the legitimate national rights of Palestinian people. The experience also has shown that all those who turned against this program, and all those who turned on this document, where shocked by failure and returned to it as the national salvation document.

Otherwise, how do we explain the recent political document of Hamas, which was announced by Khaled Meshaal, last April before leaving his office, at the head of the movement? And how do we explain the decisions of Central Council on 5/3/2015, which constituted a retreat from the obligations of Oslo Accords and a return to the national program. Also, how we interpret the decisions and the statement of the Executive Committee on 21/7 and 12/8/2017, in the battle for the defense of Jerusalem and Al Aqsa, and how we interpret the decisions of the Preparatory Committee of the National Council on 10-11 / 1/2017, in which the entire Palestinian spectrum participated?

In short, the unified national program, the program of resistance and the internationalization of the cause and national rights, is the guarantor of national standards.

Last but not least, the unified national program is the basis for the rearrangement of the Palestinian home, within the framework of national unity, based on the principle of national partnership.

 
Notes:
Moatasem Hamadeh is a member of the Political Bureau of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine.
Translated by: Manal Mansour
Revised by: Ibrahim Motlaq
 

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