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Between Confrontation and Waiting Policy
By: Mohammad Al-Sahli
April 1, 2018

Israel has been confounded, at the security and political levels by a car-ramming operation that took place in the village of Barta'a of Jenin. Netanyahu and his government said that the reasons of this operation is the escalating "incitement approach" in the occupied Palestinian territories, where officials of the Israel Security Agency admitted that the situation in the Palestinian Bank is like a powder keg that is about to explode. They quickly remembered the soldiers who were run over by a car-ramming operation in Gaza strip before the outbreak of the First Palestinian Intifada in late 1987.

Many indications have been recognized by the occupation because of this operation, all of which confirm that the state of tension, is escalating among the Palestinians in their occupied territories in the light of the expansion of settlements, looting of the land Judaization, and the agreement of the American and Israeli allies to start actual steps to end the issue of the Palestinian people and its rights.

It is noteworthy that the operation, led the occupation army and its government to reconsider the map of the apartheid wall that runs east of the village of Barta'a and thus includes it to the west of the “Green Line”. They are currently examining the possibility of transferring it to the Lines of June 4, which pass from the middle of it; a measure not contemplated by the occupation government in the past, and this indicates the serious “danger” expected by them to threaten their security in case the situation remains the same.

It is also noteworthy that the operation was a severe blow to the tight security measures, imposed by the occupation in monitoring the daily life of Palestinians in anticipation of any operation, targeting its soldiers and settlers. The operation led the leaders of the Israel Security Agency to recognize that the “third intifada” has not yet over, in reference to the youth uprising, broken out on October 1, 2015.

In essence, the operation confirms the fact that the existence of the occupation and the extremism of its expansionist policies, are the basis of the escalating rage in the occupied Palestinian territories. In addition, the contradiction of this existence and its continuation with the national interests of Palestinian people, leads this rage to the explosion. So, the occupation and its Security Agency were right when they connected the individual and common explosion with the comprehensive mass uprising, as in 1987 and 2000.

The officials of the Israel Security Agency and their government know that the intifada, at different levels of its coverage and expansion, will have repercussions outside the occupied Palestinian territories of 1967, extending to the territories of 1948, in relation to the occupation policies implemented by the occupying state against the general Palestinian people through scenarios that differ in the method of direction and implementation. The occupation's leaders directly have recognized the impact of these repercussions during the First Intifada, and the Intifada of Independence when the Palestinians of the 48 revolted against occupation, in solidarity with their brothers in the Palestinian Bank and Gaza Strip and protested against the brutal repression for young people of the Intifada, where 13 Palestinian persons of the 48 were martyred, at the beginning of the tenth month of the year 2000 “October 2000 events”; i.e. just a few days after the outbreak of the Intifada of Independence.

The ongoing discussions at the Israeli security and political levels, confirm that the occupation is “pessimistic” in expecting the upcoming events, regarding the developments on the ground after this operation, as it kept all possibilities open, especially since the operation has taken place after a series of stabbing operations against soldiers and settlers.

Some Israeli analysts have admitted that Israeli and American policies, have imposed limited options on the Palestinians, which are represented by confronting the occupation though all means, especially after the Trump administration's decisions about Jerusalem, the transfer of its embassy to it after the recognition of it as the capital of the occupation, and the dangerous measures taken by the occupation, at legislative and field level, to achieve its objectives of judaizing Jerusalem and annexing settlements to Israel.

If the car-ramming operation will lead the occupation forces to impose more restrictions on the Palestinians in Palestinian Bank and Jerusalem. This operation is supposed to be an incentive to re-correct the Palestinian situation instead of escalating the existing crises, in which the foremost is the disaster of division. Needless to say that re-considering the national liberation program, will make a qualitative leap in facing occupation politically and popularly, within a unified national plan. This does not mean that this major task, does not face many obstacles, most notably the insistence of the official Palestinian policy on adhering to Oslo Accords and their obligations, despite the decisions of national consensus that decided to disengage from them and their political, security and economic restrictions.

The majority of Palestinian political forces, have confirmed that the American-Israeli attack on the Palestinian cause to eliminate it, requires confronting it with a fighting strategy that unites the people and its political forces on the basis of ending the causes of division and the class policies that have worked for the occurrence and continuation of this division. They also affirmed that the commitment to the decisions of the Palestinian Central Council in its last two sessions and implementing them, ensures achieving the progress in the Palestinian national course of action and brings the Palestinian situation out of the circle of hesitation and waiting towards strengthening the Palestinian self-factor in facing the policies of pressure and blackmail which have been practiced by the American-Israeli alliance.

It should be noted that the official persistence in ignoring these decisions and the blind bias to Oslo's rules and disasters, will exacerbate the complication of the Palestinian situation, in line with the continuation of escalating public rage as a result of the occupation, its aggressive policies of expansion and the policy of waiting practiced by the Palestinian official leadership; a policy that has adopted an option that has lost any prospects for progress towards a comprehensive and balanced political settlement for the conflict, to ensure the implementation of the national rights of Palestinian people. The Palestinian negotiator has admitted this since 2012, when the Palestinian national consensus approved a decision to close the door of the "American-Israeli settlement", and launching the Palestinian endeavor towards the United Nations, which caused the adoption of a resolution by the General Assembly, to recognize Palestine, as a state under occupation with the border of 4 June 1967 and East Jerusalem as its capital. Since that time (2012), it has been stressed that it is necessary to build on this decision and get advantage from the membership of the institutions, to which Palestine has affiliated by this resolution. In the forefront, is the join to International Criminal Court, which provided an important opportunity for the Palestinian side to account the occupation for its crimes, committed against Palestinian people and its properties.

The waiting policy, practiced by the Palestinian official leadership, hinders the exit from the deteriorating Palestinian situation, and it is the same cause that hindered the progress of internationalizing the Palestinian cause and struggling against the occupation through the United Nations and its institutions. This increases the repercussions of the American-Israeli attack on the national rights of our people and increases its disasters.

Mohammad Al-Sahli is the Editor in Chief of Al-Hourriah newspaper, the official speaker of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Translated by Hassan Barazi
Revised by Ibrahim Motlaq

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