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Do not Frustrate the Popular Resistance
By Mohammad Al-Sahli
April 12, 2018

The events of this year's Land Day, especially in the Gaza Strip, have raised important questions about the horizon, on which the Palestinian popular movement can open and the extent to which the Palestinian situation is able to restore the integration, that was existed at the stage of national advancement between the various forms of struggle against the occupation.

Perhaps the period between the both days of the land and the Nakba, and the possible developments in the field, are a standard indicating the direction in which the answer to these questions is based on, in connection with the decision of the Supreme Commission to continue the national activities until they culminate with the commemoration of the 70th anniversary of the Nakba, which is also chosen by the Trump administration to implement the decision to move its embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

Therefore, it can be said that this period, constitutes a serious test for the Palestinian political situation, with all its components, through which the extent of its awareness of the dangers of the US-Israeli coalition on the rights of the Palestinian people and its national future, is clarified.

One of the Zionist writers, commenting on the facts of the Land Day, concluded that the "popular resistance is the greatest threat to the continuation of the occupation". It is true, although it was said from the point of warning of the Palestinian popular resistance and urging the occupation army to confront it, using all means of killing.

Since the announcement of the major march of return in the Gaza Strip, the government of Netanyahu and its security and military forces, have decided to confront the participants by snipers, through the direct targeting with the intention to kill, which explains the large number of martyrs and wounded who fell on the Land Day.

In the context of the discussion within the Israeli Ministerial Council, no significance was given to the repercussions of the killing of Palestinians at the regional and international levels, and the high level of coordination between the Israeli government and the Trump administration, prior to the start of the return march and the confirmation by the US administration of its readiness to thwart any attempt to hold the occupation government accountable in the Security Council has been clear, and the failure to issue a statement in the Council, regarding what happened in Gaza was the implementation of this pledge. However, the occupation government has been tensed and concerned, as observing what is after the march of return.

The Netanyahu government, in its decision to confront the participants in the march with live ammunition, has wanted to weaken the momentum of Palestinian popular participation in the events that are supposed to continue for 45 days until the Nakba Day. So, it continued to fire at the tents of the protestors in the northern Gaza Strip, causing dozens of injuries. In the accounts of the Israeli security services, there is a scenario that was assumed in case that the events continue and it warns of field developments on the front of the Palestinian popular confrontation with the occupation, especially if this front extends to the "bypassing" positions with settlers. These security services predicted that the unlimited use of killing against the Palestinians would lead to further attacks against the Israeli soldiers and settlers.

The concerns of occupation have increased due to the repercussions of the Trump administration with regard to the city of Jerusalem and the issue of Palestinian refugees, through the financial pressure on UNRWA, and the arrival of the Palestinian situation, including the official one, to the conclusion that the Trump administration, is an effective partner in implementing the Israeli expansionist vision, and that there is no horizon, even for those involved in the settlement, for any political process that can offer something to the Palestinians as long as the US administration, is dominant in this process, especially after presenting the regional solution at the expense of the national rights of the Palestinian people.

With the political horizon clogged, in addition to the extremism of settlement and Judaization, it is natural that Palestinian tensions to explode in various forms.

On the other hand, the continuation of Palestinian popular resistance requires a Palestinian political consensus on it, in order to enable it, to expand and give it momentum in the field through the involvement of most of the Palestinian people in its activities. Needless to say, that the existing Palestinian political system, with the division and deterioration of the status of its institutions will not be able to provide this support to the popular resistance. Many have seen that the magnitude of the challenges, facing the Palestinian cause and the attempts to liquidate its rights, should be as an incentive for the components of this system to overstep this reality. In this context, there are many missed opportunities, and other opportunities are available if there is a unified political will to do so.

The work of Preparatory Committee of the National Council has been stopped at the threshold of its sole meeting at the beginning of last year. So, instead of completing its role towards a new council meeting, that unites the Palestinians, under the banner of a unified national program, that overcomes the repercussions of the failed bets and the resulting disasters, the official Palestinian leadership is striving to hold a formal meeting for the Council with its old membership and its reconditioning according to the death register, and the calculations of the main party of the Palestinian Authority, Fatah, in connection with the results of its last conference.

And instead of committing the decisions of Central Council in its last two sessions by disengaging from the Oslo Accord and their restrictions, the official leadership reaffirmed that the ceiling of these Accords will remain the determinant of its policies towards any future settlement process and it has remained committed to the security, political, and economic constraints of the Accords. In the area of reconciliation, the two sides of division have continued to consider the other responsible for its continuation, in a futile debate that confirms that each side is barricaded behind its factional policies. If the events that happened on the Land Day put everyone on the verge of targeting by the occupation, it has not yet been enough - unfortunately - to consider the issue of restoring unity as a major national task that is more important than the accounts of each of the interests.

If the Palestinian resistance, and what happened in the West Bank, Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip should be supported, it is necessary to consider the problems of the Strip with national responsibility and to work immediately to solve them in relation to the duties of the Accordance Government and "Hamas" commitments in the reconciliation agreement and the results of the meeting of forces and factions in Cairo in the last fall. And not to talk again about additional sanctions on the Strip in the background of the bombing that occurred near the convoy of the Prime Minister.

However, the Palestinian people affirms its commitment to its rights and renewed ability to confront the occupation in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and Jerusalem, in which it has fought several battles in defense of the identity of the city and its national future, and forced the occupation to retreat many times and before that it has launched the youth uprising in early October 2015, and although, some have said that it has declined, the occupation itself has admitted that it is still ongoing.

It is the popular resistance that increases the concern of the occupation and its obsession, but the major tasks are the responsibility of the Palestinian political situation to help this resistance to make its way towards the comprehensive intifada.

 
Notes:
Mohammad Al-Sahli is the Editor in Chief of Al-Hourriah newspaper, the official speaker of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Translated by Manal Mansour
Revised by Ibrahim Motlaq
 

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