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The Disengagement from Oslo is Required
By: Moatasem Hamadeh
May 27, 2018
 

The information about the steps, taken by the official leadership and the Executive Committee, in implementing the decisions of the National Council and responding to the transfer of the US Embassy to Jerusalem, is a step in the right direction, as the ambassador of Palestine to Washington was summoned (and this is what we called for in more than one statement). According to the information, a complaint was submitted to the International Criminal Court (ICC). President Abbas also signed a request to belong Palestine to three international specialized agencies, which are: the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, the treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the International Organization of Intellectual and Electronic Rights. In addition, a committee has been set up to study how to resolve the issue of division (!) The rest of the files have been referred to committees for consideration, including determining the relationship with Israel, and other issues.

We say "a step in the right direction", although the implementation of some of this step has been delayed for four years. The other of it was addressed by a decision of the Central Council on January 15, 2018, noting that all these files, as announced more than once, have been referred to committees for considering and studying the mechanisms of their application. These committees submitted their proposals to the previous Executive Committee, whose Chairman is still Mahmoud Abbas and Saeb Erekat is its Secretary. That is to say, these proposals are still in force within the framework of the supposed communication in the work of national foundation.

In this context, we have the most important observations:

The essence of the political issue, as it poses itself to the Palestinian situation, is that it remains a prisoner for the Oslo Accords and the Paris Protocol, or to be free of them. That is, to remain under Oslo or to follow what we call the exit strategy from Oslo, in favor of the national program and the resistance and the intifada strategy in the field and in international forums, at the United Nations, the International Criminal Court and other forums (World Council for Human Rights, The Hague International Court). So far, and despite the decisions of the Central Council and the National Council in their last sessions, the decisions aimed at getting out of Oslo have been disrupted. The PLO recognition of Israel and its right to exist is still ongoing. It is incomprehensible that a state that occupies our land and Jerusalem, kills our people, plunders our properties, displaces millions, destroys our economy and violates the national dignity of an entire people, is recognized. It has not been yet clear why the official leadership has not issue a public statement declaring the withdrawal of recognition of Israel. The security coordination with the occupation also has not been suspended, even after its crimes in Gaza Strip, West Bank and occupied Jerusalem. So far, no action has been taken to disengage from the Israeli economy. Rather, we go further to say that the Palestinian Authority government has not yet made its proposals on determining the relationship with Israel, and it has not applied the Executive Committee's decision in this regard. It is also still operating according to the Oslo commitments and the Paris Protocol obligations, ignoring the decisions of the National Council and the Central Council. As a conclusion, in this regard, the steps taken recently fall under the Oslo framework and the Palestinian situation has not been out of it.

The second issue: The summoning of Palestinian ambassador in Washington was conducted in a diplomatic manner (for consultation) without declaring the closure of the PLO office officially, and without announcing the cutting off the relationship officially (not through passing statements) with the United States, including the deep relations which link the PA intelligence services to the US Central Intelligence Agency and the other security services, which is followed in periodic visits to Washington and other cities by Majid Faraj, the intelligence minister in the PA.

We also note that the agencies that have been engaged are the agencies from which the United States cannot get out. That is, the agencies which belonging to them is not in conflict with the United States. This is well understood by the official leadership, and therefore it can be said that belonging to the three agencies mentioned above, albeit a step in the right direction, is a step that is more limited and closer to maneuver than being a disengagement from the commitments made to the United States in return for not transferring its embassy to Jerusalem. The United States has dropped the understanding with the PA, transferred its embassy to Jerusalem and recognized it as the capital of Israel. The PA, on the other hand, is still committed to these understandings at their core. At the heart of them, is the commitment to security coordination, which seems to be "sacred "for some Palestinian senior figures.

On the Gaza Strip, we do not believe that one needs to be a genius to open the door to reconciliation. The first step is to open the door: by lifting sanctions on the Strip, restoring salaries and financial rights to the owners, resuming the payment of the operational budgets of the institutions concerned, and then managing a national dialogue that will put mechanisms to resolve the pending issues. As the experience has confirmed that the bilateral dialogue between Fatah and Hamas has failed more than once to reach safety. Even on the incident of the attempt to assassinate al-Hamdallah. As the national forces proposed the formation of a credible national commission of inquiry that would put the results in the hands of those concerned, but the stubbornness has disrupted this proposal. Also, the commitment of both parties to the agreed upon in Cairo in the national dialogue on November 22, 2017: To enable the Government of the Palestinian Authority to perform its duties and responsibilities fully in the Gaza Strip to serve the interests of citizens and restore relative social and economic stability, in return, the PA its presidency and its government, to consider the privacy of the Gaza Strip, on the security field. If the PA is committed to security coordination with the occupation authorities in the West Bank, this cannot be in the Gaza Strip. Talking about a single weapon is a mysterious talk, and it cannot be spoken in order to undermine the resistance weapon. Yes, for internal security, there is one weapon, which is the PA weapon. But the resistance weapon is to defend the Strip by a national defense strategy, approved by the factions concerned, through a joint operations room and an inclusive national political reference, including factions and parties concerned. All other than this is only an exposed attempt to disrupt and put mines on the road of reconciliation.

The Palestinian public opinion, after May 14 and 15, 2018 massacres, is heading towards the official leadership, observing and expecting, in light of the uncertainty of the seriousness of this leadership in engaging in political and field clashes with the occupation. The opportunity exists for the official leadership to address this state of uncertainty by ending the state of separation from the popular atmosphere in its escalation and rebellion against the occupation and settlement, and the hesitancy of the PA and its policy of waiting, which has proved its failure.

 
Notes:
Moatasem Hamadeh is a member of the Political bureau of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Translated by Manal Mansour
Revised by Ibrahim Motlaq
 

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