The division has begun since Fatah and Hamas have stepped out of the National Reconciliation Document and Cairo Declaration Path.
Benjamin Netanyahu exceeds in shaping the future of the occupied Palestinian territories and their owners in accordance with the Israeli and security expansionist determiners the, and he seeks to exploit the facts and developments to embody these criteria through negotiations, that he summed up the conditions of resuming the Palestinian recognition of the Jewishness of the State of Israel and its borders which «protracted» between Jordan River and the Mediterranean sea.
Among the developments that he seeks to exploit, is the coming of Trump's administration and its positions that serve the occupation and stand in the face of establishing an independent Palestinian state empty of settlements and settlers on the borders of June 1967, with its capital Jerusalem, and has the ability to continue and develop as much as its possession of the attributes of sovereignty with its multiple terms.
Therefore, it was not surprising that Netanyahu confirms the continuation of the full and exclusive Israeli security control on the Palestinian West Bank, in any settlement with or without it; while he welcomes the coming of international forces to the Gaza Strip.
Already, some officials and heads of Israeli governments have expressed their «hope» of getting rid of the Gaza Strip and its «troubles»; and discussed about the formulas that achieve their hopes without abandoning their Occupation attendance linking with their security obsessions, and perhaps what Sharon did when he recalled of withdraw the Israeli troops and settlers from inside the Gaza Strip ( 2005), is one of the practical expressions for these «hopes», and the mechanisms to achieve them; and the keenness of Sharon and his government at that time on the strict security presence of the occupation in the « crossings agreement», which is signed with the PA as one of the guarantees to calming the Israeli security concerns towards the Gaza and its people.
What Sharon did came in the context of his known plan the «Singularity» through making unilateral steps and he proposed at that time, the possibility of withdrawal from some marginal outposts in favor of imposing settlement annexation in structure and residents to Israel.
At that time, the PA on its formation was extended on the Gaza Strip, and attempts were being made to strengthen the national unity, and at last they reached to the convening of the national dialogue conference on May 25 and 26, 2006 to reduce the negative consequences of the birth of a Palestinian political system with two opposing heads after the legislative elections which were done at the beginning of that year.
Although, the issued statement by the conference stressed in its first term on the sanctity of Palestinian blood and the internal fighting, and then only after one month, the comprehensive national dialogue sessions were held, which adopted the unifying «Prisoners' Document» and got out with the signing of all components of the Palestinian case, on the «National Accord Document», which enhanced the atmospheres of optimism to unify the Palestinian liberation program and the rebuilding of the political system on the basis of democracy, especially that these dialogue sessions were held about a year after the release of «the Cairo declaration» at the conclusion of the comprehensive national dialogue sessions that these held in Cairo.
The disaster of division which occurred in the summer of 2007 has begun, since Fatah and Hamas movements went out of the implementation course of the comprehensive national dialogue decisions, and resorted to hold bilateral deal through « Mecca agreement» between them on 8th of February in the same year.
With the occurrence of division and its unfortunate results, Israel and its successive governments found their golden chance of isolating both the West Bank and Gaza on the two fronts of policy and war; and through two separate and parallel paths.
In the West bank, the spreading of settlements and the plundering of lands was the basic title on the agenda of the Israeli governments, and in the Gaza Strip the siege and war were the adopted method with the strip after it has been considered as a «hostile entity».
Since the occurrence of the division, Olmert's government began talking about the absence of a Palestinian negotiator that «has power » on the Gaza Strip, and therefore, he cannot discuss with him the future of all the occupied Palestinian territories by the aggression of67; and it was so obvious in negotiations of 2008 that failed even to reach to a «framework agreement».
In spite of all attempts to end the division it has remained to exist and worsens their consequences with the passage of time without the restoration of unity. With the predominance of the occupation in its expansionism and aggressive policies , the question was about the ability of the Palestinian case to read the division and what it results consciously and responsibly, and thus, reaching for ending it as soon as possible inking with the challenges and risks which threaten the Palestinian people and its national cause.
Unfortunately, the exact and practical reading towards division is available with the occupation, which still knows how to deal with it to allow for many policies of the occupation to go for their purposes. And it knows that the continuation of the division ensures the continuous paralysis of the Palestinian national work, and therefore the occupation continues its projects in the Palestinian territories without expecting serious costs.
The Israeli governments know that the restoration of the Palestinian unity means in the first place, the unification of the national program that is the resistance resistant the occupation its basic headlines; which means fighting an open battle with all its meanings in politics and in the field; and means in the context negligence of the official Palestinian political choices and its adherence to negotiations in accordance with the rules , principles and mechanisms that don’t enable the Palestinian of their rights to return and independence.
The occupation considers the division as a restriction constraint that prevents the Palestinian case of moving from the hesitation and negativity to the circle of action and initiative, and it keeps it vulnerable before the multiple forms of external pressures; also it considers it as read the «black hole» that absorbs the national energies and waste them out of fighting occupation field, and keeps the Palestinian case components in a case of alert and internal confrontations and thus, accumulating the tension and the possibility of explosion inside the Palestinian entity that was severely hurt by the occurrence of division and the continuation of it.
So, the occupation seeks to perpetuate this tension and feed it by talking about signs of «goodwill» toward the Gaza Strip out of the dealing with the Palestinian situation and by ignoring the PA; and working at the same time on the exclusion of anything related to the Gaza strip in the context of the negotiations that took place after the division disaster .
The occupation reads division seriously and cares about all the ways to sustain it.
So, when the both sides of division will read the need for restoring the unity?