While everyone was united behind the first intifada, the security coordination with the occupation came to form the most prominent barriers before youth uprising.
With the first anniversary of its start, the Palestinian youth uprising stands among two factors, one of them is the reasons that led to outbreak, and the other regards with the reasons that prevented its development to a comprehensive uprising, and both factors are still acting and influencing in the field.
At a time when many people tried to describe the uprising as a limited and temporary reaction to occupation procedures in Al Aqsa, the events came to confirm that the occupation and its continuation is the motivation that launched the uprising.
After the compromise process reached a dead road with its known terms; the reasons which led to the outbreak of the intifada at the forefront of the political scene which is qualified to open on a battle with the occupation even if it delayed.
The first intifada responded strongly on the attempts to marginalize the Palestinian issue and the role of the PLO as a sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people through projects detract from its national rights.
The Palestinian response strength is laying in the wide popular engagement in the uprising through unified slogans and objectives gathered to finish the occupation and to establish an independent Palestinian state, and the «independence announcement » which was issued by the Palestinian National Council in 1988 expressed it clearly.
The unified leadership of the uprising directed its activities through a programmatic agenda took into account the need to integrate these events, to extend the confrontation with the occupation. And with the continuation and escalation of the uprising, the Palestinian issue has returned to the forefront of the political scene regionally and internationally.
Arguably the first Intifada unprecedented escalated strongly with the continuation of the national consensus in order to end the occupation. The international recognition of the declaration of the Independence of Palestine State to secure the political, diplomatic and legal momentum which nearly achieves the goals of the uprising, and accelerates the victory.
The availability of events for the first intifada were not available for the Youth uprising although the goal of establishing the Palestinian state with its capital Jerusalem is exposing to corrosion at the hands of the settlement.
The national consensus about the youth uprising remained the big absent, which opened the door before the occupation in order to observe what is happening in the occupied Palestinian territories as partial events, and that there are extremist terrorist entities push these young people into the street in the face of the occupation forces; and the match of the American and Israeli positions in this when Kerry; the US Secretary of State described the facing of the occupation and settlers as terrorism.
While the Palestinian entity was united behind the first intifada and within, the security coordination between the PA and the occupation came to constitute the most prominent obstacles to the development of youth uprising and its escalation.
Besides, many sides announced several sayings about the dangers of entering on the line of youth uprising and supporting it, which increased the anxiety of many categories that were previously in the forefront of the supporters to the uprising and its events. Therefore, the international community did not find what it has seen in the eighties and the beginning of this current century.
Thus, it did not find itself compelled for turning seriously to what was going on, noticing that the practical official Palestinian policy stands against this uprising; and works on minimizing it through stopping a lot of its activities by the Palestinian Authority’s security forces.
Even the forces and factions that called to strengthen the youth uprising did not succeed in creating the formulas and methods that can help in that.
It is possible that the combination of these obstacles before the uprising to turn it off forever and to record it in the archives of the confrontations with the occupation, but the reasons of it still exist and growing.
The Israeli occupation is continuing its confiscation to the Palestinian land and expanding its settlements and increasing the Judaization campaigns. In addition it is strongly closing the door in front of the national future of the Palestinian people; at a time the international community is turning its back to the Palestinian cause and preoccupied itself with the serious events in the region.
What is happening in the occupied Palestinian territories, extends to the Palestinians of 1948, after decades of systematic discrimination and marginalization, and forming the racist laws against them and considering them as a «fifth column» in favor of their brothers in the territories of the 1967. So it was natural that the activities of the youth uprising extend quickly from Jerusalem and the West Bank to the territories of the 48 which made a great concern to the Israeli government and caused terror in the Israeli society.
With the continuation of the racist policies of the Israeli government against the Palestinians of 48 the obsession of the uprising will remain chasing it, as is the case in the Palestinian occupied territories in 1967 aggression.
The major dilemma that faces the youth intifada is not in the absence of the national consensus decisions about it , but basically ,it is the official Palestinian leadership escaping from the implementation of these decisions, and the most notably is what was issued by the Palestinian Central Council last year which called clearly to halt the security coordination with the occupation, the commitment to this could alleviate the pressure on the young men of the intifada, and that will be a clear indication that the official leadership became concerned about defending them in the international forums as a commitment to the council’s decisions, which stressed the need to open up to the United Nations and its relevant institutions to judge the Israeli occupation for its crimes, and in particular the international Criminal Court .
The council also stressed on the need to establish a settlement on the basis that ensure the application of the relevant international legitimacy resolutions. And the commitment to do so by the official Palestinian leadership put the Palestinian situation before another options away from betting on the weak initiatives and their owners, and this necessarily means paying serious attention to correct the Palestinian situation and enhance its capabilities to fight a multi-front open battle with the occupation. By achieving this, many prospects will be opened before the uprising through the consensus on its support and secure its development to a comprehensive popular uprising.
This is the way toward putting the conflict with the occupation in its natural context. However, the continuation of the policies of hesitation and waiting only benefits the occupation and enable it to continue its policies of aggression and expansion.