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The Last Exhale
By: Moatasem Hamadeh*
October 17, 2016
 

The dialogue, the consultations, the activation of the institutions, the returning to the national program and the decisions of 05.03.2015 are the way to move out the case from its crisis, not the stringing in the media and on the street

The Palestinian situation in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, made an additional step toward more division and rupture that which requires the national leaders to make an urgent call to stop this deterioration and return back to the internal dialogue, with the spirit of national partnership.

After the failure of organizing the local and municipal elections, because of the wars of the division between Fatah and Hamas, and after are closed the doors again before the possibility of converting these elections to an introduction to comprehensive elections of the presidency and the legislative and the national councils, the participation of Mahmoud Abbas at the funeral of Shimon Peres came against the will of the Palestinian national consensus, including positions within Fatah itself, which expressed itself by different statements , to pour the oil on the fire of the internal differences and to show the fragility of the internal situations, and the depth of the political crisis due to the absence of the institutions that are keen on the national collective spirit for the benefit of the exclusivity of policy and decision, even without the minimum consulting the bottom out with the active political powers.

The reactions of the Palestinian Authority and the spokesmen of Fatah that does not mean that they represent all Fatah were noisy , as they considered the criticism directed to PA's decision to postpone the elections as an offense and an attack on the Palestinian legitimacy was considered, and its symbol President Abbas. Some rash remarks threatened to resort to reply with an «iron fist» on the votes of this criticism, in an attempt to convert the entire Palestinian situation to «two poles» the pole of PA and the president and who are with them, and the other pole that includes all who criticize or oppose the PA or oppose the president which is an attempt to deepen the state of division, and to expand its foundations , under the slogan of «who is not with us is against us» and « who is against us, is our enemy», even that some of the statements went away in the removal of the national legitimacy from the Palestinian factions, as Ibrahim Abu Naja, a Fatah official in the Gaza Strip.

What made it more negative, is the rising of voices that talk (from within the institution and from PA and Fatah) about the desire of the president to resign, and about candidates from within Fatah as (Al-Barghouthi and Al-Qudwa) for the succession in the PA presidency. Perhaps Abbas’ emergent entering to the hospital in an emergency, gave these remarks an additional dimension, therefore, all of that made what might be called the battle of the succession of Abbas, from political and legal angles.

These stressing atmospheres at the hands of the PA media - including closing the door to some PA close journalists as Hasan Al-Batal and Hani Al-Masri and others - do not serve the national interest, and do not indicate that the official leadership, and spokesmen of Fatah, are occupied by the major issues listed on the agenda. Including, for example preparing files for submission to the international Criminal Court after its tour in the occupied territories and in the Israeli entity to conduct the necessary consultations. Some of them were echoed by PA’s Foreign Minister Riyad Al-Maliki about the preparation, along with the Arab Quartet, to submit complaints to the Security Council and the General Assembly, against the settlements, and with a draft resolution to consider the year of 2017, a year to end the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian land since 1967, and to submit a draft resolution to lift the situation of the state of Palestine at the United Nations to a working member.

Also, these stressing atmospheres do not mean that their originators are interested in directing the High Court of Justice, and after that which the Central Elections Committee , then the decision of the Al-Hamdallah’s Government to hold national consultations and dialogues, within four months, in preparation for a new call for the organization of the local and municipal elections, after we could have succeeded, through these dialogues and consultations to remove the dismantled obstacles and barriers.

These atmospheres indicate that their fabricators became very nervous so that they cannot afford any criticism no matter how it is small. This nervousness due to a deep sense of the political the failure and failure in the management of the public affairs, and the failure to interact with the community with its various political trends and segments. So they find the threatening and violence, and even resort to security tools as an alternative route.

This explains, for example, why the security services used violence on the popular rally which opposed the participation of Abbas at the funeral of Peres, and why the Preventive Security Service in the West Bank announced the horn, calling its affiliates to the mobilization of efforts to respond to the voices of opposition, without distinguishing between the opposition and its political and trends, even that some of its members did not hesitate in attacking some members of the Student unity bloc, the student wing of the DFLP , and storming one of its headquarters and destroying its contents and arresting some of its members under the pretext of investigation, which is a rude violation to the standard laws and legal procedures in force.

Some observers consider that one of the reasons for this unjustified stringing for the national atmospheres, is the internal crisis in Fatah, and the pressures on the movement's after the holding of its seventh national conference. But it is totally wrong that the national situation to take responsibility for this crisis, therefore there is no need to mix between this crisis and the other national crises.

We believe that the required policy is the policy of democratic dialogue, with the right of each party to exercise its freedom within its national responsibilities, especially in dealing with the national issues and its reference. Also, we think that the Palestinian national program, is the scale of attitudes, policies and right tactics. By this background, we believe that the government of Al-Hamdallah must prove its credibility about the statement of postponing the elections for four months, and to afford its responsibilities in conducting the dialogues with the political forces and the national events. We also believe that the official leadership to give the consideration back to the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and to call it to take its responsibilities toward the large files on the agenda of the national situation. The meetings held at the level of the Fatah movement, are private meetings, and their orientations and decisions cannot be considered on the national situation as an obligation to the institution, unless it is issued by the Executive Committee and the Central Council of the PLO.

We believe that it is the time to these institutions to restore its role in national policy-making, because this is the way to take out the Palestinian case from the stringing atmospheres, and this is the way to put an end to the policy of exclusivity, and the road to return back to the national program, especially in relation to (once again) the need to revive and activate the resolutions of 5 / 3/2015, i.e. any halting the security coordination with the occupation forces, and boycotting the Israeli economy, and the internationalization of the Palestinian national issue and rights. In the hope that this stringing concert to be the last exhale in this field.

 
Notes: *A member of the Political bureau of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
 

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