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When the death of the «two-state solution» was endorsed
By: Moatasem Hamadeh
November 8, 2016
 

To endorse the death of the «two-state solution» supposing the return to the national program with all the needed critical review and restructuring of the national institutions, and building them on democratic foundations that respond to the entitlements of the new phase.

Finally, when he was speaking to the revolutionary council of Fatah, president Abbas approved that the «two-state solution» has died and become a corpse.

The «two-state solution» is the American solution , that was proposed by former US President George W. Bush, which includes the dropping of the right of return, the separation between the Palestinians in the 48 regions and among between their brethren abroad, and the establishment of an entity in the occupied territories in 67, that ensures the survival of the Jewish Israel and closes the way for a bi-nationalism state, which requires in the context the exchange of lands and population, and to ensure the return of about half a million Palestinians of the 48 regions to the borders of the Palestinian entity.

Abbas' admission of the death of the «two-state solution», which has occupied us officially since 2001, should push us necessarily to close the French initiative’s File which also calls for the «two-state solution» and to go back again to the Palestinian national program, the program of the return, self-determination and the independent state, which will reunite the Palestinian people in all its presence regions, inside Israel, and in the 67 regions and in the diaspora, and unites its national rights, and opens the horizon before an interim national solution , that forms an introduction to the profitable national solution of the Palestinian national cause.

Such a return, means the return to the commitment to the document of Cairo Conference (March / 2005), and the National Reconciliation document (26/6/2006) and the decisions of the Central Council (05/03/2015) and the decisions of Cairo (February / 2013), and Amman (May / 2013). And that means:

• Halting the security coordination with the Israeli occupation and the adoption of an alternative conduct for the Palestinian security services to defend the people and the country.
• Boycotting the Israeli economy and the heading to build the Palestinian national economy.
• Stopping the bet on the bilateral negotiations under the US patronage and going towards an international conference to resolve the issue under the supervision of the United Nations and its Security Council and its relevant resolutions that guarantee the inalienable legitimate national rights of the people of Palestine.
• Breaking the siege on the youth uprising and turning it into a popular uprising on the road to a comprehensive national disobedience.
• Internationalizing the issue by heading to the international forums, including the International Criminal Court and demanding the international protection for the land and people against the occupation and settlement, and calling for the full membership for the State of Palestine in the United Nations.
• Ending the division and restoring the internal unity on democratic foundations through the rebuilding of the bodies and institutions in PA and the PLO, through the overall democratic transparent and fair elections under the full proportional representation system and what all of that requires from the restructuring of the Palestinian Authority, for its administrative, security and political institutions to respond to the entitlements of the next phase of struggle, in the face of occupation and settlement in all ways and means of struggle.

Instead of this national turning point, in response to the death of the «two-state solution», and what it requires to fulfill its entitlements, President Abbas said that the danger now is threatening the Palestinian legitimacy (and not the legitimate national rights)and that the battle now is to defend the Palestinian legitimacy (not the Palestinian national rights), and that fighting the battle (the battle of the defense of legitimacy) is by holding the seventh conference of Fatah on 29/11/2016 and by holding a new session of the Palestinian national Council before the end of this year.

In both cases, President Abbas is implying to his legitimacy, as the head of the Fatah movement, and as the head of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization, surpassing his position as the president of the Palestinian Authority, which requires to renew his legitimacy complex steps caused by lack of the «understanding» with Hamas.

• The inner conference of Fatah, which is an internal issue for Fatah, the central committee of the movement is concerned to decide about it. But for everyone understands that, the results of the conference, negatively or positively, will be reflected on the situation of the Palestinian case, because the fact that the movement is holding the major positions in the Palestinian establishment, and its institutions and services.

Noting that the preparations for the conference are in rough atmosphere, on the level of the internal affairs of Fatah, and on the Palestinian national level, as well as on the regional and Arab level. Thus , this conference is standing in front of a series of internal , national, regulatory, political and nationalist entitlements , ranging from addressing the issue of Dahlan and his brothers, to the resolution of the issue of the «Next day after Abbas», leading at last , to a renewal of the central committee and the revolutionary council, and doing a comprehensive political review in the light of the admission of the failure of the Oslo process, and the failure of «two-state solution», and the experience of the youth uprising, and the phenomenon of Palestinian arousal inside the Israeli entity, and the signs of the growing steadfastness in the ranks of refugees in defense of the right of return and the rejection of the alternative solutions and scenarios.

• As for the calling the Palestinian National Council to convene, this is a national issue of the first-class and no one has the exclusive right to decide about it. To say that its convening will be at the end of the year, is a surprising matter , as there are not any national consultations or political preparations. As neither the Executive Committee is going to meet to decide on the matter (despite the repeated talk in the words of President Abbas and some members of the «central committee» of Fatah that the date for the convening of the council is the end of the year) nor Interim Leading Framework which is concerned about the development and the activation of the PLO institutions was invited to the meeting to decide on this.

There are no answers to many questions: Is it an elected council? Is it nominated? Where it will take place? What are its political projects? What are its developments for the struggling and administrative work?

We believe that limiting the function of the PNC to re-elect a new executive committee that
Re-appoints President Abbas as its head, but is a discharging of the session of the council from its job, and a trickery on this post and escaping from the coming political entitlements on the Palestinian situation.

So, it is not fair to talk about a new session of the National Council (the first since 1996), but only in the framework of the national preparatory work by all the concerned Palestinian forces and factions, especially which are represented in the Interim Leading Framework.

There are many ways to renew the legitimacy. The procedural way, which is represented by the elections, in accordance with the regulations and laws. The other way is political, which is represented by the political program, which gives this class or that party its legitimacy.

We believe that the most important faces of the renewal of the Palestinian legitimacy at this stage, is to return to the «political legitimacy» the legitimacy of the Palestinian national program, and the retreat from the political coup, represented by the Oslo Accords, and its repercussions, and the confession of the historical mistake which costs the Palestinian people a quarter of a century, a tremendous amount of human and material sacrifices, streams of blood, and the countless loss by the expansion of settlements, the Judaization of Jerusalem, bringing in more settlers, creating new values and realities against the struggle values which were established by the Resistance Movement and the Palestinian national movement, spreading forms of corruption and wear, and expanding a spirit of opportunism, nepotism, favoritism and hypocrisy in the national ranks.

All of this were caused by Oslo, and all this will be finished by the return to the unified national program, with all what is required to this return (the entitlements and restructuring of some institutions and factions). We believe that the next conference of Fatah should discuss all this.

 
Notes:
Moatasem Hamadeh is a member of the Political bureau of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Translated by: Ibrahim Motlaq
 

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