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Zionism As It is
By: Mohammad Al-Sahli
July 27, 2018

The debates within and outside the ruling Israeli coalition over the wording of the "National Law" bill were raised before the Knesset. The objections and references of their owners indicate that the objectors have felt that the project has sufficient support for its approval and enactment. Therefore, their criticism of the text of the bill was limited to warning against the "implications of its adoption".

However, Israeli writers and analysts who sharply criticize the Zionist establishment have considered this bill as a means to dispose and show this institution as it is in real, and that what the bill is trying to legalize, is in fact a policy towards the Palestinians since the establishment of the Hebrew state.

Between the warning of the consequences of the legalization and the admission of the reality of the Zionist establishment, observers are looking seriously at what is happening from the angle of their realization that the Netanyahu government is racing the time in order to regularize all that can renew the Palestinian Nakba and continue its chapters.

It can be said that in the context of the debate about the "national law", the signs of the electoral race are showing up now, and they do not currently reflect a clear competition between the parties of the governmental coalition, as much as they draw lines which showing the power of the extreme right in the Knesset, although that the head of the "Jewish House", Bennett, seeks to win from the point of heading the move to support the bill in order to enable the Zionist organization to Judaize the Galilee and complete the Judaization of the Negev. Bennett has been able to win the consensus of the coalition parties in support of it.

The cornerstone of achieving this goal is term 7b, which "provides a constitutional protection for the possibility of establishing towns on the basis of religion, nationality or social character and excluding people simply because they belong to a different religion or nationality", as noted by the Knesset's legal advisor. It is remarkable that, seventy years after the seizure of Palestine and looting of the properties of its people after being expelled from it, the text of the bill, is based on the mandate for Palestine, which allowed the intensification of Jewish settlement there. This is a clear indication that the Zionist establishment believes that what it did during the Nakba and after is not enough, and that it still has other tasks that should be implemented in the same direction.

Despite the importance of presenting the racist and exclusionary aspects of the bill, but the emphasis on legalizing the apartheid is the most serious aspect. Because what is being endorsed in the territory of the 48, is sought by the government of Tel Aviv to be circulated in East Jerusalem and its surroundings as in the Jordan Valley. And if we consider the efforts of the Netanyahu government to generalize the Israeli laws on settlements and their institutions in the West Bank, it is possible to realize the danger of enacting legislation that codifies the apartheid and the ethnic cleansing.

In both cases, if the bill is submitted to a vote until the 22nd of this month or postponed for the winter session of the Knesset, the Netanyahu government has intended to escalate its racist and exclusionary program. Contrary to the attempts of the opposition in the governmental coalition to portray it as a heated dispute over the bill, their objections reveal a different direction, as the head of the Hebrew state fears that the law, after its legalization, to become "a weapon in the hands of Israel's enemies" and the legal adviser warns of the "international repercussions".

The talk here is about protecting the "state" from difficult entitlements if the bill is approved. These debates also help the Netanyahu government to put the European observer on the waiting list in anticipation of the outcome of them, and what the wording of the proposed amendments will reach, although the titles of the bill are full of racism and exclusion since they have been proposed for the first time.

Reactions towards the bill are expected to escalate, especially among the Palestinians of the territory of the 48 and their parties, who presented a project and a clear vision that stemmed from their right to preserve their national identity as the owners of the land that has been plundered, and their right to develop their situation and stop the injustice of the government racist policies towards them.

It is worth mentioning that the friends of the Palestinian people through legal, parliamentary, and political institutions will find in the Israeli racist legislation an additional motivation to intensify their struggle and moves to isolate the occupying state and tighten its boycott and demand the international public opinion institutions to do what is necessary to curb the Zionist racism and its expressions in the "law and legislation".

The extent of support represented by the Trump administration's positions cannot be ignored in pushing Netanyahu and his government towards more racist legislation and the hostile actions against the rights of the Palestinian people. These situations are considered by the Israeli government as an umbrella for protection from international reactions to its policies. For this reason, it is not natural to talk about the confrontation of Israeli policies in isolation from the brutal policies of the Trump administration, which presents a regional plan, consistent with the Israeli expansionist and the racist policies.

It is noted that for the first time, the US administration does not listen to the Zionist parties that object on the policies of the Israeli government, unlike the previous administrations that were on the line of differences, when raging in the Zionist political scene in Israel. The Obama administration had already tried to impose amendments on the Netanyahu government (2009) by the introduction of Tzipi Livni, then president of Kadima and removing Avigdor Lieberman.

The main reason that Trump has not resorted to this, is the full agreement with Netanyahu's government on the "deal of the century", and he does not want to create a gap with Netanyahu, that would weaken this consensus. Especially since there is no justification for this (specifically for him) particularly if it is related to the Israeli policy toward the Palestinians, considering that Trump is the bulldozer which paves the way for the Israeli expansionist policy to be intensified by encouraging the settlements , recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of the occupation and transferring the US Embassy to it.

The most important, is that Obama wanted to re-pave the way for the negotiations between the Palestinian and Israeli sides by suggesting that the formation of the Israeli government is ready for the political process. While the Trump's administration today is removing the settlement from its previous framework and adopting the imposition mechanism instead of pressure for "persuasion", then the implementation.

In light of the Israeli escalating racist policies, the entire Palestinian situation, in the various areas of its existence finds itself concerned with developing ways to confront these expansionist and aggressive policies in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, as in the territory of the 48.

Notes:Mohammad Al-Sahli is Editor in Chief of Al-Hourriah newspaper, the official speaker of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Translated by Manal Mansour
Revised by Ibrahim Motlaq

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