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71st Anniversary of Al-Nakba
Mayo 2019

The calls to confront the challenges resulting from Al-Nakba are not to be materialized with the absolutist policy in decision-making, clinging to the remains of Oslo and the interruption of the decisions of Central Council and National Council, apart from perpetuating division.

• To orientate and correct relations within the PLO and to rebuild them on the basis of a coalition is a necessary condition to protect the PLO, to develop its performance and to strengthen its political and representative position.

• To supply mechanisms for the struggle to coordinate the combat action together with our people on the territories of 1948.

The Political Bureau of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) issued a declaration on the 71st anniversary of the Great National Nakba, in which it said:

The Palestinian people commemorates the anniversary at a time when the cause and national rights are in a difficult and complex situation, confronting historical challenges that put the Palestinian struggle on a tortuous path.

The anniversary is commemorated at a time when hostile attacks against our people and their national rights intensify:

• The Trump administration prepared the political scene in the region to reveal the political arrangement and the elimination of the Palestinian cause when it recognized Jerusalem as the capital of the occupying force and moved the US embassy to that city. Furthermore, it recognized the colonial State of Israel, the legitimacy of settlements, including its foci dispersed in the West Bank and the great blocks surrounding Jerusalem and other Palestinian cities. It imposed a financial blockade on the West Bank and closed the PLO office in Washington, while the US Congress continues to include the PLO on the “terrorism” list. It imposed a financial blockade on the UNRWA agency and publicly pleaded for the elimination of the right to return and to eliminate the cause of refugees, de-legitimizing millions of Palestinian refugees. It recognized Israel’s authority over the occupied Golan Heights. It also exerted pressures on Arab capitals to formulate a new structure, integrating Israel into the region, in an Alliance that is hostile to the Arab forces of liberation and progress, as well as to Iran, resorting to the pretext that this country constitutes a real threat for the whole region. Furthermore, it did not stop threatening with imposing additional sanctions on our people, the PNA and the PLO, to have Trump’s “Agreement” passed, using the power of vandalism and the violation of relevant resolutions of international law and the laws that order relations among States and peoples.

• At the same time, the occupying State continues with its provocations through a policy of fascist aggression against our people, based on the expansion of settlements and the construction of thousands of apartments in the colonies to increase the number of settlers to one million, in Jerusalem and the West Bank. And simultaneously, it invents unfair laws to expel the inhabitants of Jerusalem, to impose an economic and security siege on this city and to destroy the elements of cohesion of Palestinian society in all fields: sanitary, educational, cultural and social. Besides increasing the bloody repression, assassinating on the streets the sons of our people, sending thousands to prison, demolishing houses, confiscating lands, destroying plantations and arming gangs of settlers to cause harm in different parts of the West Bank, especially in Hebron, which is subject to a constant process of Judaization, pushing it to a destiny similar to that of occupied Jerusalem.

• The Netanyahu government paved the way in its electoral campaign to annex the totality of the West Bank, imposing a new system of Palestinian autonomy in an action that attempts to destroy the material groundwork of the Palestinian National Project to create an independent and sovereign State with its capital in occupied East Jerusalem on the borders prior to June 5, 1967 and to solve the cause of refugees by virtue of Resolution 194 that guarantees them the right to return to their homes and properties from which they were expelled in 1948.

Nevertheless, the Palestinian Popular Movements increase in Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, in spite of pressures exerted by counter forces, and this was demonstrated by:

• The marches for return and for lifting the blockade of Gaza and the growing role of armed resistance through its Center of Joint Operations, that confirmed, in the recent confrontation, its capacity to create a balance in the correlation of forces to dissuade and erase the page in which Gaza found itself at the mercy of the instrument of murder and Israeli aggression, deprived of a response that would reject its fascist policy. The fact that the occupying force submits to the truce agreements (once its attempts to flee were discovered) and accepts the decrease of the measures of harassment of Gaza and increasing the inputs for Gaza to return to normal life would be none other than the product of the heroic resistance of our people and the development of its combat capacity.

• The increase of individual operations of youths of our people in the West Bank and the dissemination of isolated weekly confrontations against the occupying force in defense of the land and the great popular following experienced by the Movement of Prisoners in their heroic resistance vis-à-vis the Israeli jail administrations in the West Bank, Jerusalem and Gaza. Also in the popular uprisings of our people in defense of their city, the capital of the Palestinian State and its sacred Islamic and Christian sites against Israeli policies of confiscation and Judaization, including the imposition of the time and space with respect to the Al-Aqsa Mosque, besides the confiscation of ecclesiastic items, with the pretext of supposed debts due to tariffs and taxes.

The leftwing, democratic and liberal Palestinian national movements realized that the Oslo Agreements, the Roadmap and other decadent projects had reached an impasse, and that is why the DFLP, together with other forces, pushed forward the Palestinian National Dialogue at Cairo in March 2005 to reach a consensus, to correct the national context and to decide reforming the national institution of the PLO in order to respond to future challenges and claims. The second round of dialogue afterwards between Ramallah and Gaza, on June 26, 2006, developed the results by establishing the main titles and important lines to turn the Oslo page and reconsider the national program, the program of return, of self-determination and independence. This was reaffirmed at the global national dialogues at Cairo in the years 2011 and2013 and in the decisions of the Palestinian Central Council on 05/03/2015, which constituted a qualitative step towards the task of turning the Oslo page and its obligations and commitments in favor of redefining the relationship with the State of occupation.

With Trump’s step, on 12/06/2017, of recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, the 28th session of the Central Council of 15/01/2018 developed the decisions of the session of 05/03/2015, and later reaffirmed those decisions with substantial developments in the session of the National Council on 30/04/2018. The series of important, historical and essential decisions taken by national consensus within the national institution form a solid base to respond to Trump’s Agreement and the policies of the occupying State, they develop the role and the action of the mass movement and safeguard the cause and national rights, but there are still obstacles that exist on the path of this policy and the new national strategy alternative to Oslo and which are:

1) The Palestinian official leadership continues its policy of exclusivism and unilateralism in their decisions and the marginalization of the national institution that it also strips of its faculties, turning it into an empty structure, apart from interrupting the decisions of the sessions of the Central Council (27 and 28) and the session of the National Council (23) and adopts policies of revolving doors and remitting to the committees for their study and false mechanisms traced to flee from the obligation of implementing the decisions approved by the councils. Therefore, the consensus decisions are still interrupted and the game of remittances and of the revolving door policy continue to dominate, as when a new session of the Central Council was recently convened, without anticipating the implementation and execution of what was agreed. This confirms that the policy of hindering the decisions of the national consensus continues to exist and the policy of verbal rejection of the Agreement with Trump is prevailing, in spite of the accelerated measures of preparations to announce the details of the agreement in order to impose it on the similar parties in the region.

2) The destructive division between the movements Al-Fatah and Hamas continues, and the insistence of both parties in hindering the decisions of the sessions of national dialogue and its bilateral dialogues, as was the case in the last session of the bilateral dialogue in Cairo on 12/07/2017, and the national dialogue at Cairo on 22/11/2017. The division has damaged Palestinian political life and opened the door to every form of external interference in Palestinian affairs, including Israeli intervention, as Netanyahu very clearly stated speaking about the benefits achieved by his government and the projects, plans and intentions for perpetuating division and planting obstacles in the light of any attempt to put an end to division.

3) The consequence of the policy of exclusiveness and absolutism over the internal situation of weakness and fragmentation of the PLO, especially after the official leadership adopted the policy of exclusion, is the elimination of the national dialogue from their calculations and the resource of the public administration policy through decrees and decisions and even the transfer of many powers of the Executive Council to the ministries of government of the PNA. Apart from hindering the formation of the board of directors of the National Fund, to resort to the policy of retaining the financial rights and salaries of the factions, institutions and individuals, as well as the decision to retain the financial rights of both fronts, the Democratic and the Popular. These are steps that threaten to transform the Palestinian political system from a coalitionist democratic system into a dictatorial system, with its matters directed by a closed political kitchen, in substitution of legislative and executive institutions. Apart from depending on Arab and other foreign countries to liquidate the political accounts with the forces opposed to the policies of exclusivism and monopolization, according to the direction that the Palestinian official leadership has followed.

On the 71st anniversary of the Great National Nakba and after Netanyahu’s return at the head of the government rightwing coalition, and on the threshold of Trump’s announcement, the Democratic Front underlines that the political strategy to be followed is the national policy approved by the national institution and the national consensus dialogues. The rejection of the consequences of Al-Nakba and the attachment to the legitimate rights of our people, including the refugees’ right to return to their homes and properties, contradict the policy of attachment to the Oslo Agreements (President’s vision on 20/20/2018), of interrupting the decisions of the Central Council (sessions 27 and 28) and of the National Council (30/04/2018) and of hindering the understanding to put an end to division. Without going beyond those policies, every declaration, announcement and verbal and rhetorical position of rejection of Trump’s Agreement will continue to be a mere wet ink on paper that will only deepen the danger, make the crisis more acute still and will expose the cause of our people to further disasters.

Therefore, on the 71st anniversary of Al-Nakba, the Democratic Front calls on abandoning the Oslo policy and the policy of verbal rejection of Trump’s Agreement and to advance towards the practical policy on the ground and, at the same time, to work in order to put an end to division.

This requires:

Firstly: to work towards the correction and orientation of relations within the PLO, putting a stop to the individualist, absolutist and exclusivist policy and reconsidering the PLO Executive Committee with the recovery of its departments –in order to be able to establish the link between them and our people in the fatherland and the diaspora— such as those pertaining to education, culture, information, expatriates, the political department and the Arab department. Also, to establish an independent directive council for the National Fund, with respect for its independence, without interference in its affairs, to stop turning the public fund into a weapon to solve political and personal differences and to liberate the quotas of both fronts, the Democratic and the Popular fronts, and the salaries of officials that were cut for incomprehensible partisan motives.

This situation demands a dialogue at the highest levels inside the PLO organizations, without exception, in order to agree on the modalities of joint work for the coming stage, in conformity with the principle of participation and the National Coalition, in the light of the political decisions of the national institution.

Second: To immediately start taking practical measures to renew the global national dialogue in order to put an end to division through a “committee to develop the PLO”, forming a national unity government that would include everyone, that would prepare and supervise presidential, council, PNA legislative and PLO national elections with the system of proportional representation (350 members, 150 in the fatherland and 200 in the diaspora) and to hold –together with the new formation of the National Council— a new unified session, which would reelect an executive council with full faculties, in conformity with the internal statutes of the PLO.

Third: To immediately initiate the implementation of decisions of the national council, taken at the Central Council (sessions 27 and 28) and the National Council (23), including:

1) The withdrawal of recognition to the State of Israel
2) Putting a stop to security coordination with the occupying force
3) De-linkage from Israeli economy and liberation from the restrictions of the Paris Economic Protocol
4) To recover the population and land registry from the occupying force’s Civilian Administration
5) To boycott Israeli products by the linkage law
6) To stop using the Israeli shekel

Fourth: To revitalize popular resistance in all its forms, in the West Bank and Jerusalem, and to form its national references, creating conditions for a global uprising, on the path to its development into a national disobedience against the occupying force until the latter takes its staff and leaves our land.

Fifth: To lift all type of sieges imposed on the Gaza Strip, and also to support its firmness

Sixth: To approach the United Nations with three draft resolutions:

1) Request for active membership of the State of Palestine
2) Request of international protection for our people and for our land
3) Demand for an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations, by virtue of its pertinent resolutions, under the supervision of the five permanent members of the Security Council, with a time frame and mandatory decisions that would guarantee that our people be liberated from the occupying force and from colonialism in order to achieve the independent and sovereign State with its capital in East Jerusalem, within the borders prior to June 5, 1967, and to solve the cause of refugees in conformity with Resolution 194 that guarantees the return to their homes and properties from which they were displaced since 1948.

Seventh: To elevate the relationship of struggle with our people inside the Israeli entity on the territories of 1948 and building mechanisms that would unite our struggle against the Zionist fascist project and the “Law of the (racist) Nation-State”, taking into account the specificity of the expansion of our people in different places, both inside and outside the fatherland.

The Political Bureau of the Democratic Front confirms that the policy of verbal rejection, the rounds of political tourism and the increase of statements for those who bear in their hands the power of decision will not change even one letter of Trump’s Agreement. The unity of work on the field, in other words, the combination between the application of decisions of the national institution to determine the relationship with the occupying State, the abandon of Oslo, the end of division, the end of exclusiveness and absolutism and the correction of relations within the PLO on the basis of a coalition, is the way to preserve the national project and resistance vis-à-vis the challenges of Al-Nakba and its continued effects since 71 years ago and until the present moment.

Political Bureau of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
May 15, 2019

 

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