The Resistance, its firmness on the side of the people in Gaza, the West Bank and Jerusalem, succeeded in revealing the policy of the strategy of the Palestinian leadership that has failed the exam of the Gaza Strip.
The aggression labelled “Iron Dome” represented a test for the Palestinian situation, with its diverse compositions, for the Resistance, for the Palestinian situation and for the Palestinian leadership: Who passed and who failed?
The Palestinian Resistance in the Gaza Strip, with its different affiliations and military formations, excelled in combat and firmness; it caused heavy losses to the Israeli enemy and it has achieved a series of objectives that the enemy never believed that it would see achieved.
The Resistance has taken the combat to the terrain of the enemy, thus putting an end to the old strategy of confrontation: to wage war in the areas belonging to others and to exempt the Israeli “interior” from the risks of war. This time Israel waged its war on two fronts: the first one is the aggression against the Gaza Strip, and the second is the Israeli interior front. Because the Zionist state was at the heart of the battle; the rockets of various types fell from the sky and onto cities, towns and villages of Israel, thereby forcing millions of Israeli to go down to the shelters and threatened the Israeli economy with paralysis, besides destroying many premises and affecting Israeli interests in various areas.
The Resistance has put an end to those previous times in which the battles with Israel only occurred on Arab soil, and it has been successful in the creation of new facts, determining that Israel be the party forced to calculate its actions with precision.
The Resistance was successful in overcoming the land blockade on the Gaza Strip and in going into the very heart of Israeli positions, through the tunnels, as did the Brigades Al-Qassam and the Brigades of Al-Quds; the Brigades of the National Resistance –the armed wing of the Democratic Front. They filled the hearts of the enemy soldiers with terror, and many of them fell, dead or wounded, when they found themselves struggling hand to hand with the combatants of the Resistance, and lost their capacity of confrontation.
Furthermore, the Resistance succeeded in approaching the enemy face to face in the latter’s land invasion of Gaza and was capable of trapping more than one Israeli patrol in ambushes, killing dozens of enemy soldiers and officers, who are not ordinary soldiers and officers, but members of the elite military units of the Zionist army. This was clearly manifest in the efficiency of the Palestinian combatants and their determination to struggle, besides displaying a high level that surpasses the efficiency of Israeli soldiers, the efficiency of an army that considers itself as the second in the world after the United States Army.
The Resistance was also successful in the duration of combats, through a tactics adopted by the attacks with missiles and artillery fire that have allowed it to maintain the bombing and to respond to the Israeli acts of aggression at appropriate political moments.
Last –but not at all least— the Palestinian Resistance unified itself in the battlefield. It was successful in reviving the Palestinian and Arab popular situation, and that of the friendly forces, and also in representing the real Palestinian case to the world public opinion as a liberation movement, a movement of popular resistance and not only a movement of delegations that do not know how to manage anything, other than negotiations in deplorable conditions.
On the other hand, the popular situation in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank and Jerusalem excelled in its best manifestation and heroic firmness in the face of the aggression. This, in spite of the fall of at least 1.400 martyrs (up to the afternoon of Thursday, July 31, 2014) and about 8.000 wounded, the total destruction of 1300 houses and the partial destruction of another 22.800, 4.000 of which remained uninhabitable. Also in spite of the fall of almost 350 children and some 300 women, the displacement of about half a million people, the interruption of electric power, the piling up of the wounded in hospitals, the shortage of drugs and medical equipment, the absolute lack of bread in the bakeries and of other foods in the warehouses, and the absence of safe havens, since the enemy turned every place into the targets of their planes, their warships and the cannons of their tanks… In spite of all that, still the firm Palestinian people in Gaza refuse to raise the white flag, it still rallies around the Resistance, it enjoys a will as strong as iron in the light of the aggression, insisting on victory, at whatever price. And perhaps the scenes of massive destruction, disseminated by the mass media, at Al-Shajaiya, Khuzaa, Abssan Al-Khubra and Al Saghira, Hai Al-Tufah, Beit Lahia, Khan Younis, Al-Qarara, the city of Gaza, the Camp of Al-Shatee and other places touched by the aggression, reveal the scale of the humanitarian catastrophe that affected the Strip, a situation that was acknowledged by human rights commissions, especially those that belong to the United Nations.
The Israeli war machinery can no longer reach the Palestinian combatants and their mobile positions. Therefore, it resorted to hunting down civilians in the UNRWA schools, where it perpetrated several massacres, and in the offices of the mass media, as was the case at the studios of the radio station “Voice of the Fatherland”, that is the property of the Democratic Front. It occurred likewise at the central headquarters of the Front in the city of Gaza, even if they knew that these headquarters are devoted to information about the popular activities and that they are not at all related to the military activities that are taking place at the Strip.
In spite of all those crimes, the popular will continues to be stronger than the will of the aggressors. And the Palestinian people in Gaza continue to be rallied around the Resistance, as are also the Palestinian people in the West Bank and Jerusalem, where we have witnessed popular marches and confrontations with patrols and at the control points of the enemy (But why did the Intifada not break out also in the West Bank and Jerusalem in solidarity with Gaza, and within the framework of a new political era? This is altogether a different matter and would have to be dealt with in an independent manner).
The popular movement has passed the test, as has also done the Palestinian Resistance.
It was only the Palestinian Political Leadership that failed the exam of the Gaza Strip.
Ever since the very first moment, it has kept its distance with respect to the Resistance, and when the political leadership is one thing and the Resistance is another thing, we are practically placed in front of two contrasting policies: the policy of the Palestinian leadership and the policy of the Resistance.
The Palestinian leadership went looking for a ceasefire project and it accepted the Egyptian initiative, without consulting with the Resistance. It has furthermore attempted to present itself as if it were the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, ignoring the fact that the Resistance is basically the resistance of this people, and that the Palestinian leadership should respond to the interests of this people. The hastening of the approval of the Egyptian initiative has created a confusion within the Palestinian ranks and it has also revealed the existence of two strategies. One of those strategies is to attempt to interfere in developments that are taking place before they have a repercussion on their policy, pulling it out of its context and its negotiating option.
The Palestinian leadership collided against the Resistance and against the people of the Resistance, and it was forced to back down. And it adopted, as it said, the “demands of the Resistance” as if those were not, in fact, demands of the very Palestinian people. To stop the aggression is in the interest of the Palestinian people, as is the lifting of the blockade, getting the port to work, and also the airport, and finding solutions to the problems of the officials and other demands that are popular demands and not only the demands of the organizations of the Resistance.
It greatly retarded the diplomatic movement in favor of Gaza and its resistance, and the diplomacy of the Authority seemed paralyzed and ineffective. Meanwhile, on the contrary, the Zionist media machinery abroad has been active in order to defend and to justify its aggression.
It abstained from pushing ahead with the objective of joining the Rome Statute, the International Court of Justice, and to demand that the leadership of the enemy be prosecuted. It was afraid of the reaction of the USA; furthermore, it was afraid of the outcome of the negotiating process because it continues to dream that this process would be reanimated by the “North American sponsor”.
It was on the verge of dividing the ranks of the Resistance when it argued in favor of composing a small delegation to go to Cairo for negotiations. This created confusion within the Palestinian fold until the Resistance decided to solve the situation through the conformation of a unified delegation in which all the factions of the Resistance would be represented, and by linking the ceasefire with the lifting of the siege and the withdrawal of the occupation forces from every inch of the Gaza Strip.
It remained silent in the light of the Israeli-North American campaign that demands the disarming of the Resistance and depriving Gaza of its factors of strength, as if it implicitly announced its agreement to this fact.
The facts of the Israeli aggression revealed that we are facing two political strategies: one for the Palestinian negotiator, which has been surpassed by developments, and another one for the Resistance, that is the force that elaborates developments.