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National Declaration to the Palestinian people, to the Arab peoples and to the free men of the world, about the topics dealt with in the session of the Central Committee of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (The Session about Jerusalem and Arab Revolutions)

 

• New initiatives: The Resolutions of International Law under the auspices of the five great powers, instead of the “Framework Agreement” and the North-American unilateral nature. Towards a global and balanced solution of the matters of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

• The DFLP initiative: new formula and implementation mechanisms to put an end to division.

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Introduction

On the eve of the forty-fifth anniversary of the foundation of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) and after a year of work of the Sixth General National Conference, and with the participation of its members in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and the countries of refuge and of banishment; the Central Committee of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine held its fourth session in mid-February 2014, presided over by its Secretary-General, comrade Nayef Hawatmeh, in which he analyzed in detail the unchaining of political developments on the Palestinian stage, characterized by the pressures of the North-American Administration, without putting an end to colonization. At the same time, the session heard and analyzed all the reports about the struggle and about organization that where submitted to its consideration by the various instances of leadership, and took the necessary decisions with respect to them, and concluded its work by publishing “The National Declaration to the Palestinian People, to the Arab Peoples and to the Free Men of the World” that included the following topics:

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Lowering of the threshold of the Palestinian position

The DFLP Central Committee reviewed the political developments that took place on the Palestinian scene after negotiations were resumed between the leadership of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) and the government of Israel on March-June 2013, and concluded that those negotiations, according to US Secretary of State John Kerry’s formula, not only lowered the threshold of the topics to be debated even before negotiations began, but also the threshold of the Palestinian negotiating and political position in general, although a consensus had been unified and reached around the Palestinian national position about the need and the importance of unconditionally putting a stop to the colonization activities before the reopening of negotiations, as well as about the need and the importance of adopting the resolutions of international law as a term of reference to this respect, and to work towards implementing them, and not to return to political immobility and to the immobile positions through open-ended negotiations that only serve as a cover-up for the State of Israel to create more faits accomplis on the ground and to evade the fulfillment of balanced political obligations in the immediate term, after over twenty years of vain and useless negotiations for the Palestinian party, open to continued Israeli colonial expansionism that knows no limits in Jerusalem and the West Bank, but rather continues in the form of aggressions and wars against the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

The DFLP Central Committee observed that John Kerry’s formula, previously agreed with Israel, managed to disarticulate the PNA’s political position and pressurized them to go to negotiations devoid of a national political backing. A return to negotiations is not the result of a decision taken by the corresponding and empowered instances of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and this again sheds light on the fragility of the Palestinian political system, its deterioration and its continued inclination towards totalitarianism and individualism in national decision-making, a fact that stripped this decision of the essential elements of force, the lack of which prevents them from resisting and exhibiting a firm behavior in the light of North-American, regional and international pressures, and to be able to face the abyssal unbalance of the correlation of forces, leaning in favor of occupation and colonization.

At the same time, the DFLP Central Committee observed that the PNA leadership has made great concessions in exchange only of continuing negotiations, which have to do with not linking the resumption of negotiations to putting an end to colonization, or even slowing it down or temporarily freezing it, and without linking the resumption of negotiations to any point of reference related to international law and to mandatory legitimate resolutions, and without the recognition of the 1967 borders as the frontier limits of the State of Palestine. The Israeli enemy previously snatched commitments from the US with respect to the so-called security of the State of Israel, and to frustrate and prevent every Palestinian or Arab attempt that would mean an initiative to incorporate the State of Palestine to international organs, and not to allow for the question of Israeli colonies and colonization activities to be posed to the UN Security Council or to any other international forum. The North-American Administration made a commitment to take into consideration what was termed as Israeli security needs and demands in the order of any political arrangement that would be reached between both parties.

The DFLP Central Committee concluded that the continuation of negotiations on those bases could not result in a balanced political arrangement that would at least guarantee a minimum level of Palestinian national rights, but would furthermore leave totally open doors and promote an environment tending to greater Israeli extremism, to the exercise of pressures and blackmail against the Palestinian party, besides leading the international community to rather “neutral and idle” positions, awaiting the results of the “mediator”, that would most surely be destructive for the Palestinian party and would reap net gains for the Israeli enemy. This situation would allow the dishonest North-American mediator to search for political options to subject the weakest party (the Palestinian one in this case) to greater pressures and to force it make essential concessions, renouncing its 1967 borders under the label of “land exchange” as well as concessions in East Jerusalem and the Jordan Valley, the annexation of the complexes of colonies and unending colonization…

The Central Committee affirmed that because of all that was previously stated, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine opposed a return to negotiations under Kerry’s formula and, quite early, forecast pre-determined roads and results, because the Israel-United States of America complicity is by all means evident, so both parties managed to thrust the Palestinian negotiating team into the whirlwind of security issues, its details and labyrinths with one basic objective, that is, not to discuss the essential questions: the 1967 borders, East Jerusalem as a capital of the State of Palestine, to put a stop to Israeli colonization and expansionism, the rights of Palestinian refugees…

The essential question in whatever order of a political arrangement consists of the withdrawal of the occupation and colonization from all of the Palestinian land, back to the borders of 4 June 1967, that are the borders of the State of Palestine, as traced and recognized once again by United Nations General Assembly Resolution of 29 November 2012. Therefore, the CC of the DFLP sees, in the intentional linking of the issues of security and of borders by Israel and the US, the way to evade the discussion of the essential question, that is, the issue of borders, in favor of giving Israel the highest level of security in exchange for the total insecurity for the Palestinian side.

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“The Framework Agreement” favors Israeli interests, is ambiguous and suspicious, and entails concessions by the Palestinian party

The Central Committee analyzed the obstacles that hinder the course of the negotiating process as a consequence of Israeli intransigence and the North-American unconditional behavior in favor of Israel, characterized by a constant retraction and the abandonment of resolutions and referents of international law. It debated, with the highest degree of responsibility, the main features of the so-called “Framework Agreement” that North-American Secretary of State, John Kerry, tries to pursue for a solution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and what it represents regarding subjacent dangers. To this respect, it affirmed the following:

• That the so-called Framework Agreement does not amount to a project of political solution, because it does not trace the general features nor does it establish the mutual commitments and the means for their execution in a given period of time. It is rather a political project that paves the way for the continuity of negotiations, neither more nor less, in the framework of the present-day conditions, bases and mechanisms, that are totally unbalanced and tilted in favor of the Israeli enemy.

• That the so-called Framework Agreement contains in itself a destructive ambiguity in everything related to the Palestinian interests and the legitimate national rights and only offers mere promises to the Palestinian party, while endowing Israel with all that serves its demands and its aggressive policy in a precise, clear and tangible form with reference to the issues of security, land, colonization, Jerusalem, refugees. This project goes beyond by trying to force the PNA into a compromise of recognizing “the Jewish character of the State of Israel”, with all that it implies of dangers for the cause of refugees and for the political and civil rights of the Palestinian citizens of the territories of 1948 and the future of their existence, apart from what it means with respect to ignoring history, culture, civilization and the national reading of Palestinian history in favor of acknowledging the Zionist reading of the history of those lands, inspired by the legends and the ideological myths of the rightwing and ultra-rightwing of the Zionist Movement.

• That the so-called Framework Agreement proposed by the USA ignores international law and all the resolutions of international law with reference to the basic Palestinian issues (borders, Jerusalem, colonies, refugees, etc.) and sets the basis for a re-elaboration of a new solution to the Palestinian cause having as a starting point a new referent that only poses subversive formulas that elude the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people. In this sense, such projections recall the North-American Letter of Assurances of President George Bush Jr., addressed on 14-4-2004 to Sharon, in which the colonies are considered as a part of the territory of the State of Israel, at the same time that it again poses the proposals of former North-American president Bill Clinton at Camp David 2000, and later on in Taba 2001, about how to solve the problem of refugees on the basis of settling them in other latitudes and subjecting them to being transferred.

The Central Committee of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine concluded by affirming that the Framework Agreement posed by the US is an agreement of liquidation in its contents, its context and its itinerary, and cannot be turned into a Project for a global and balanced political arrangement, solution and peace, based on the Resolutions of International Law; instead, it leaves all the doors wide open to every Israeli practice and violation to the detriment of the interests and rights of the Palestinian people in all that concerns the matters of security, borders, Jerusalem, land and the right of refugees to return as well as other aspects.

The CC of the DFLP also concluded that the North-American Framework Agreement could foster the suitable conditions and scope for the State of Israel to pursue its open war on the field, through the unprecedented amplification of colonizing activities, in the shadow of the submission of the PNA and the subjection to North-American pressures as the PNA continues negotiations without taking into account what is going on in the practical ground, and to maintain its reticence to resort to the resolutions and referents of international law, the UN Security Council as well as the General Assembly as an alternative.

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A new initiative for new and alternative negotiations

When appreciating the dangers that the present negotiating process entails for the legitimate interests and the national rights of the Palestinian people, the Central Committee of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine convenes all the organizations of the DFLP, the masses of our people in the Fatherland and in the camps of exile and banishment, to take on their national responsibility through the united action with every forces, institutions, worker unions, universities, women and youth organizations, organism and patriotic personalities, on the basis of the widest common denominators with a view to uphold and assume the following and immediate national tasks:

• To demand that the leadership of the Palestinian National Authority cease the present fruitless negotiations with Netanyahu’s rightwing and ultra-rightwing government, and return to the realm of national unanimity and reject the extension of negotiations to 2015. Also, that it do not establish new negotiations with the Israeli party until the necessary requisites exist previously, among them the total and unconditional cessation of all the colonization activities in all the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, and firstly Jerusalem. At the same time, that it prevent Israel from using the colonizing process as a means and instrument to create new realities on the ground as faits accomplis, apart from searching for an international sponsorship for those negotiations under the auspices and the supervision of the five permanent members of the Security Council as an alternative to the unilateral action of the US, most of all that the US unilateral leading role has been the major factor in the destruction of every possibility of progress in the political arrangement. The process of political arrangement should come about under the co-auspices of the international parties, International Law and the Resolutions based on International Law, among which the International Resolution to recognize Palestine as an observer member state of the UN, the territories of which are included within the border limits of 4 June 1967, and its capital in East Jerusalem, as well as the return of refugees to their homes and properties from which they were expelled since 1948.

The CC of DFLP calls on all the Palestinian forces that watch over the legitimate rights and interests of the Palestinian people, to work united in the rejection of the unilateral auspices of the US, and to advocate for resuming negotiations on the basis of the Resolutions emanated from International Law, under the sponsorship of the UN and of the five great powers permanent members of the Security Council, as an alternative vis-a-vis the unconditional role of the US favorable to the aggressive and expansionist policy of the State of Israel and contrary to global and balanced peace.

• To demand that the PNA leadership continue on with the efforts for internationalizing the Palestinian cause and to pursue the struggling, political and diplomatic offensive with a view to guarantee the membership of the State of Palestine by in UN agencies, organs, institutions and conventions, and other international agreements derived from the latter, from the four Geneva Conventions, the annexed protocols and finally the International Criminal Court; this would strengthen the position of the State of Palestine in the political and diplomatic spheres and would allow it to reconstruct its relations with the states of the world on new bases. Thus, the State of Palestine could block the policy of the Israeli government and impose an international isolation on the occupationist, colonialist and colonizing policy, and to question this policy strongly, and to take away the aura of legality from occupation and to put it to trial for all the violations and crimes that it commits every day in the Palestinian territories occupied after the aggression of 1967. Thus, the international community would also be asked to treat the State of Israel as a state of colonialist occupation, a state of apartheid and of racial discrimination, with all that this would demand in efforts to impose a greater isolation and boycott at all the political, economic, cultural and academic levels, in particular in every field that means support for colonization or interference in its favor.

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Initiative to put an end to division and rebuild national unity

Formula and tangible and direct mechanisms of implementation to put an end to division

The CC affirmed the leading and initiating role of the DFLP in the different stages of the national struggle and important historic crossroads in the life and history of the Palestinian people, most of all as a security valve of Palestinian national unity, and faithful guardian of the independent national decision. In this context, the CC of the DFLP calls to reject the dividing policy and to put an end to the division that is rampant since the coup d’état led by the Hamas movement in the Gaza Strip in 2007, stressing the obnoxious effects of the Palestinian division on the Palestinian national struggle, against the occupation as well as confronting the plans of the US and Israel. In this context, it affirms that it is essential to implement the agreements signed by consensus among the Palestinian national forces to recover internal unity, while it reiterates that this should be by virtue of the Agreement of Unanimity approved on 4 May 2011 and the understandings of February 2013 in Cairo:

1- To convene the Hamas Government in Gaza to resign.

2- To convene the government of Ramy Al-Hamdallah, of the PNA, to present its resignation on the following day of the resignation of the Hamas government.

3- That President Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas) should undertake steps to conform a government of national conciliation under his presidency and integrated by independent personalities.

4- The Government of National Conciliation will be responsible for the solution of pending matters caused by division and its consequences by virtue of the national agendas signed by all the detachments without exception, and the bilateral agreements signed between Al Fatah and Hamas.

5- The Government of National Conciliation will be responsible for the supervision of elections and for guaranteeing their transparency, counting on the presence of Arab and international observers and those from the institutions of civil society.

6- To convene the provisional Palestinian leadership frame, under the aegis of the PLO, to meet with the aim of establishing appropriate mechanisms for this and to agree a deadline for the holding of said elections.

7- That President Abu Mazen would afterwards issue two decrees: the first one, related to the formation of a Government of National Conciliation, and the second one to convene the legislative and presidential elections with the complete percentage representation and with a deadline to be agreed in a unanimous consensus.

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The rectification and the democratic reform of the PLO

The CC analyzed in detail the deteriorated situation involving the PLO and its various structures, frameworks, institutions and levels of leadership, constantly subjected to being marginalized and de-activated, sometimes by the very institutions of the PNA, and at other times by the diverse components of the presidential structure. The CC observes that the severe retreat of the presence and the role of the PLO as a United National Front, in which the decisions of its leadership, from the Executive Committee to the Central Council ceased to be mandatory and began to be merely consultative. This situation reflects the level of deterioration of its conditions and imposes the need for a responsible position of all the forces united in the framework, to put things back on track as soon as possible. At the same time, it reflects the unavoidable need to introduce radical democratic national reforms in the PLO, among which should be elections to the new Palestinian National Council (Parliament), in accordance with the principle of full percentage representation, from which a new Central Council and a new Executive Council should emerge.

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National resistance against occupation and colonizing colonialism

In the framework of its exchanges, the CC of the DFLP addressed the topic of popular resistance against colonization and reaffirmed the right of the Palestinian people to resort to every form of resistance to occupation, and called on the organizations of the DFLP, on the 45th anniversary of its glorious foundation, to develop and uplift the struggle against the acts of colonization and the construction of the wall of racial discrimination, and against the terrorist practices of the bands of hoodlum settlers, and to work with all the forces and masses of our people, in the cities and countryside in order to form a Front of Popular Resistance in all the threatened areas and to create committees to protect the lands and its inhabitants from the aggressions of the hoodlums of the hills. It welcomes and highly values the brave experience of the audacious citizens of Kasrah and makes a call to disseminate their experience. It highly values the initiative of the organizations of the DFLP and other Palestinian organizations in defense of the lands of the Palestinian Jordan Valley (Al-Ghour) in Ein Hejlah, Bab Al-Audah, Milh Al-Ard and other towns, in defense of the land. It calls on the government to give support to citizens in the areas threatened by colonization and by the Wall of Racial Discrimination, and to give those areas a preferential treatment for their development. It calls for the cooperation with all the forces, organisms, institutions, worker unions, guilds, youth and women organizations and chambers of commerce to undertake a wide campaign with a view to exert pressure on the government so that it puts a stop to the import of Israeli products, and to organize all sorts of activities to impose a boycott on all the products from the colonies, and to prevent their access to Palestinian markets, as well as on all the products of Israeli origin that compete with Palestinian national products, and to work towards assuring that the PNA adopts a practical program to withdraw the Palestinian workforce employed in the construction of the colonies in the West Bank.

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New socio-economic policy

The CC of the DFLP debated in depth the deteriorated economic conditions in the occupied Palestinian territories of the West Bank as well as on the Gaza Strip, and also in exile and in banishment; and it affirmed that the economic crisis being experienced by the PNA is not a new one, but an extension of the crisis that in the latter years enormously worsened as a consequence of the socio-economic policies of the PNA, that continues to place its bets on the illusions of an economic development under occupation and the norms of the disproportionate Market Economy that becomes more and more deformed, as a consequence of the dependence of the PNA with respect to incomes from abroad for the configuration of the GDP and the tax system of its coffers. Under the shadow of this policy, the problems of poverty, unemployment, disparity in the levels of income and the social cleavages continuously and progressively get worse, and this leads to more acute social tensions, including social explosions as the one that occurred in late 2012. All of this requires for political and social forces, and in particular the democratic and leftwing, patriotic and progressive forces, to upgrade the level of the political, social and union struggles in order to influence on the leadership of government and force it to reassess and reconsider in a radical way its socio-economic policy, and to re-route its efforts, in the first place, towards an economy of resistance, in which the available financial resources would be channeled in favor of strengthening the firm resistance of the population on the ground. Resources earmarked for those ends must be fairly distributed among all the classes and social sectors adopting real measures that would take into account the need to reduce the added value tax on basic consumers’ products, to modify the law dealing with taxation on incomes and to legislate on the imposition of echeloned taxes instead of reducing taxes over high incomes as recently occurred, and above all in the case of incomes generated by parasite and unproductive activities, and to apply tax exemptions in the case of productive activities. Other measures should consist of the implementation of a policy that would incentivize social justice in favor of the more impoverished sectors of the population through the Social Security Law that would be mandatory for businesspeople to implement. All of these measures should be implemented in a parallel way with respect to the re-structuring of economic and commercial relations with the state of occupation, so that a stop is put to the present commercialization of Israeli products on national markets, in the midst of an amazing and unlimited economic opening of commercial ties with the State of Israel.

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The Movement of Prisoners, an audacious force against occupation

In the course of its debates and on the occasion of the 45th anniversary of the glorious foundation of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, the Central Committee addressed a greeting and expressed its consideration towards the Movement of Prisoners and its leading and audacious role within the Palestinian National Movement against occupation and the role that it plays in revealing the inhuman identity of occupation as well as the administration of the so-called Corps of Israeli Jails. It expressed its welcome for the liberation of prisoners incarcerated since before 1993, and considered this step as a national victory that broke many of the rules followed by occupation with respect to Palestinian prisoners. It reiterated the expressions of pride for the leading role adopted by comrade Samer Al-Issawi, who enriched the experience of the prisoners’ movement by setting an incomparable example of sacrifice and generosity, and revealed the policies of the Israeli jail authorities and their constant violations of the Palestinians’ human rights. The CC of the DFLP reiterated once again the importance of uplifting the rhythms of the struggle for the liberation of Palestinian prisoners, the defense of their human rights, above all the right to liberation from the yolk of the Israeli jailers and to work towards the internationalization of their cause in their condition as prisoners of war.

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The refugee camps: Return and Social Rights in the West Bank, Gaza and Banishment

The Central Committee analyzed the dramatic situation prevailing in the Palestinian refugee camps, especially in sister Syria and firstly in the camp of Yarmouk, and reiterated the unchanging position of the DFLP and its initiative since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, advocating for not becoming involved, particularly the refugee camps and, in general, the Palestinian concentrations in the Arab countries not to get involved in the internal struggles in those countries, and also in the political polarizations on their soil. It called for the departure of all armed elements from the Palestinian refugee camps. It affirmed that the imposition of the state of siege on the refugee camps as a means to solve abnormal situations caused by the involvement of certain parties in the internal struggles is more a sort of collective punishment than a military measure, that would not contribute in any way to a return of those camps to a normal situation. In the light of those junctures, the CC of the DFLP analyzed the policy of UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East) which, vis-a-vis the confuse political situation following the proposals of the North American Secretary of State for solving (liquidating) the cause of the Palestinian refugees, constantly diminishes the teaching and health and other services alleging the reduction of its finances and the measures to correct its budget deficit. Therefore, the services in general in the refugee camps in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip have deteriorated, the demands and the rights of the workers of the UNRWA are ignored, and a tight control is imposed on an administration that is not subjected to supervision and questioning from society on the field. High officials maneuver to avoid all control, according to the protest movement in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and Lebanon, that indicates that, if this situation continues, the damages caused would be difficult to redress in the short run. At the same time, the CC of the DFLP reiterates its rejection with respect to the proposals of the Framework Agreement promoted by the US with respect to the issue of refugees and alerts about the acceptance of such proposals while calling on every force to adopt a coherent and common position in the defense of the rights of the workers of UNRWA and to close ranks vis-a-vis its administration, that pursues an intransigent and arrogant policy towards their demands. It beckons to defend the demands and rights of the refugees from the camps in Syria that are in Lebanon, and to pay a permanent attention to the reconstruction of the refugee camp of Nahr Al-Bared.

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To put an end to division is the way that would allow the Gaza Strip to reach national salvation and to break the siege

The Central Committee of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine extensively debated the catastrophic and deteriorated conditions of life in the Gaza Strip due to occupation, division and the blockade, a situation that suffered a worse and horrible deterioration ever since the Revolution of 30 June, and the alignment of certain sectors of the political and information leadership of Hamas in favor of the Muslim Brothers, in particular in the first months that followed the strategic change in Egypt.

The DFLP reiterates its position and the firm position of our people of not intervening in the internal affairs of Egypt, and again expresses its condemnation for the terrorist actions, while reaffirming its wishes for the stability and security of Egypt and for maintaining the closest bonds of cohesion with the Egyptian people and supporting its decisions in the 25 January and 30 June Revolutions.

The Palestinian people have an enormous appreciation and highly value the sacrifices of the grandiose Egypt and its heroic army, that offered dozens of thousands of martyrs in the defense of Egypt and of the Palestinian cause. With these considerations in mind, the DFLP addresses the Egyptian leadership, appealing for a consideration of the situation of the Rafah Pass, with a view to opening it daily and normally.

The CC of the DFLP considers that the treatment of the economic situation on the Gaza Strip is a joint responsibility of the PNA and the Hamas government, and it entails firstly to do justice to the victims of division, to solve the problems of poverty, unemployment, the increase of prices, etc., and to define the main issues of the political polarization between the two governments, such as the cases of electricity, health, education and the social topics.

It reiterates the need to seriously consider the Israeli threats of incrementing its aggressiveness, and to prepare to confront an escalation of aggressions through the creation of a Central General Staff and a Unified Front of Resistance that would act according to a Unified Defensive Strategy.

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Jerusalem, capital of the State of Palestine

The Central Committee of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine analyzed the heated situation that prevails in occupied East Jerusalem, the capital of the independent State of Palestine, in particular the desperate attempts by the bands of settlers, supported by the occupation forces, to destroy the sacred sites of Islam and Christianity, to impair the Arab identity of Jerusalem and to push ahead with the process of judaization and israelization of said city, and in the first place the mosque Al-Aqsa, turned into a daily bull’s eye of its aggressions, as is heard and seen by the entire astounded world.

The CC of the DFLP highly values the popular uprising in Jerusalem and its surroundings in defense of the Arab identity of the capital of the State of Palestine, and calls for the adoption of every measure at a Palestinian level (in the framework of the Palestinian National Authority, the coalitional Palestine Liberation Organization), to support the popular movement and to strengthen the resistance of our people in Jerusalem, in the political, informational and economic spheres; even to unify the national referent of the city and to provide the necessary budgets in order to strengthen the firmness of our people there, in the light of the unfair laws that have been enforced, and to resort to specialized international fora to uncover the policies of Israeli occupation, its violations with respect to the Arab character of the city, to international conventions and to the Resolutions of International Law that were passed to this respect. Besides this, it calls, for the exertion of an effective and influential role, on the Arab League, the Commission for Jerusalem, Arab and Islamic institutions that keep watch over the Arabism of the city and its future, and to back its resistance in the light of Zionist policies of Israeli occupation.

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To promote and strengthen the strong points at Arab, regional and international levels

The CC of the DFLP analyzed, in a deep and detailed way, the regional and international situation, and, after summarizing its observations, it pointed to the feasibility of balanced arrangements to the regional and international crises in the midst of the present correlation of forces that is more and more inclined in the direction of a multi-polar world, and also in the light of the policy of withdrawal undertaken by the US, and the progress and preponderance of the role of Russia at international level (the Geneva Conference and the Iranian nuclear topic, Syrian chemical weapons in addition to Geneva II to solve the Syrian crisis… etc.). On the other hand, it underlined that the weakness of the Palestinian subjective factor helps to a great extent to deactivate and neutralize every possibility that the Palestinian party might benefit from those positive changes in favor of an alternative political process that would put an end to the unilateral and individual way of acting by the US and its mechanisms and bases and favor a process under the auspices and supervision of the International Community, represented above all by the Organization of the United Nations and under the ceiling of its respective resolutions.

The CC of the DFLP observed that the situation in the Arab world has recently witnessed positive changes that coincide in their results with the Revolutions: the People want Bread, Freedom, Political Democracy, Social Democracy (Constitution of the 30 June Revolution in Egypt, the new constitution in Tunisia, the Agreements of National Global Dialogue in Yemen). These developments might influence, in an objective way, the Arab national and patriotic struggle, with, at its center, the Palestinian struggle against occupation and colonization. This situation requires a new Palestinian policy that would break the chains of the present political process and would undertake an alternative policy that would incite and strengthen the strong points, Palestinian as well as Arab, on which the implementation of said policy must feed from the present regional and international developments.

The experiences of Intifadas and Arab revolutions reaffirm without the shadow of a doubt the great lesson: “When the National Democratic and Social Reform do not occur, Intifadas and Revolutions do”.

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The Palestinian democratic left… always forward

At an organizational level, the CC of the DFLP highly valued the successes attained by the first year after the holding of the VI General National Conference, mainly in what relates to the amplification of the ranks of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine and the party and democratic organizations with the militants that adhered to the ranks of the DFLP as a major component of the Palestinian democratic left, supporting its line of struggle, its initiative and its political programs: return, self-determination, the establishment of the Palestinian National State of plain sovereignty and its capital, East Jerusalem, traced (the Palestinian State) on the borders of 4 June 1967, the return of Palestinian refugees to their homes and properties from which they were evicted in 1948. The CC of the DFLP made a call to uplift and develop the daily struggle of the masses, to make efforts with a view to continue widening the ranks of the DFLP and the popular mass current around its policies and initiatives destined to rectify the policies of the PNA and to demolish the destructive division, while at the same time assuming and undertaking the social, cultural and educational national policies in the context of its historic duties from its national, patriotic and leftwing position; the position of the objective revolutionary initiatives and solutions, the position of liberation and progress, the Encompassing National Front on the basis of the programs of common denominators, programs of national liberation, democracy and social justice.

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To swear a commitment to follow the path of struggle…

When the Central Committee of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine concluded the IV Session of its works, it addressed the sons of our Palestinian people with a greeting of admiration and esteem for its firm resistance vis-a-vis the occupation in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and to our people in the territories of 1948 for its resistance to the racist policies of the Netanyahu government and for the defense of its national rights, being the legitimate sons of the Palestinian land, to our people in exile and banishment in its resistance vis-a-vis the alternative projects to the right of return and in defense of their human and civil rights in the host countries.

It salutes the memory of the martyrs of the DFLP, and of the whole Palestinian national movement, who offered what was most cherished when they marched on the path of national salvation, independence and return. It resumes the commitment of pursuing the march under the flag of the left wing, the flag of workers, peasants, intellectuals, sons of the middle sector, women, youth, the flag of total resistance with a view to erect an independent Palestinian state, fully sovereign, on the borders of 4 June 1967, with its capital in East Jerusalem, the return of refugees to their homes and properties from which they were expelled since 1948.

Long live the 45th Anniversary of the glorious foundation of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine

Glory to the Fatherland. Eternal glory to martyrs. Freedom for prisoners. Speedy recovery for the wounded

Central Committee
Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
16-17 February 2014

 

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