Q: Being in the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, How do you look at applying for the membership of Palestine in the United Nation?
A: It is a large internationalization process, and we have to carry it out to keep the right of the Palestinian people and their brothers and friends who have been supporting us. After this step we will become a state under the occupation. We will get rid of Oslo's theory which says "disputed territories". We call the countries of the world to support us to get rid of the occupation and colonization, and help us restore our people's right in independence and dignity on a viable Palestinian state on the borders of 4 June 1967 with east Jerusalem its capital.
Q: Does this strategic move face large pressures on the Palestinian side? If so, how can the Palestinian side get rid of?
A: A few days before, we all in the Executive Committee of the Palestinian Liberation Organization chaired by Abu Mazen, in addition to the Palestinian meetings in Ramallah and in the countries where the Palestinians live and in the diasporas, decided not to repeat the mistake of May 1999. So far, we have lost 12 years. We will never kneel to these pressures. We have to go to the United Nations and the Security Council supported by some permanent member states which have the right to veto. The majority of the United Nations supports us. If America vetoes, we will directly go to the United Nations General Assembly, where no veto, the same as the African countries did to obtain the right of South Africa of self-determination and independence under the item of sanctions on the government of the white racial occupiers. We will bid the draft project of the Palestinian resolution which is supported by all Arabs and more than 130 countries in order to obtain by the majority of the two thirds the membership of the State of Palestine, and the recognition of a Palestinian state by the international institutions.
Q: You are concentrating on the issue of the national unity as a basis for the Palestinian national liberation and the freedom and independence. Hamas movement rejected this step and it will oppose this Palestinian move in the United Nations.
A: I call all factions to be watchful. Netanyahu's government, Lieberman in particular, has spared no effort to prevent us from getting to the United Nations and the Security Council.
Israel itself knows well that it was established by an international resolution and Belfour's declaration, and then with the partition resolution 181 in 1947. Israel was only admitted in the UN in 1949 when it signed on a document in the UN assuring that it would respect the right of the Palestinian people in an independent state based on resolution 181, and that it will commit to the right of the refugees to return to their houses according to the international resolution 194. Therefore I say, those who say this step is in vain are extremely mistaken. This is proved by the too high cries of Netanyahu. Lieberman is against our move to the Security Council and the United Nations. Yesterday in the Israeli cabinet, Netanyahu said in a long speech, "If the PLO goes to the Security Council and the United Nations and obtain a full membership in the UN, the political solutions will be late 60 years.
The Palestinians who object must understand that they do not see the hysteria of Netanyahu's government and the American Administration. They do not see the regional and international balances of power. They do not see what the enemy wants. It is popularly said, "tell me what the enemy is saying, I tell who you are". Ask me, "what does the enemy say?" I say you have to work on a strategy and a tactic opposed to what the enemy says.
Q: You have said the negotiations will be after the accession of the State of Palestine to the UN. The negotiations will be under the patronage and the canopy of the UN. You have not said under the auspices of the American Department… What are the program and the strategic plan for the post-Palestinian state other than the negotiations?
A: We all have to reconsider the negotiation policy which has reached a dead end over the past twenty years. Our people have no other choice than returning to the international references, i.e. the Security Council and the United Nations, and not to return to the negotiations which were existent before taking this decision. Instead, we have to go to a new kind of negotiations based on the resolutions of the international legitimacy. Ahead of them is the resolution of admitting us a state in the UN with all its institutions without any exception, including the International Criminal Court (ICC), because Israel and the USA refuse that we enter a full membership in the ICC to sue all the unilateral steps of Israel.
A new international status will be created with regard to the Palestinian issue. And a new position will be formed among our people in the homeland and in the diasporas, as well as among the factions of the PLO as being the only legitimate representative, because the promising state will be under its supervision, as the case when our struggle and resistance have been under the administration of the PLO since the PLO became an observer member in the UN.
These new situations will enable us make a new strategic formula based on an international conference for negotiating the departure of the occupation, settlement and settlers, and discussing the assistance of the countries of the world to the Palestinian people in building their independent state on the borders of 4 June 1967 with Jerusalem its capital. However, this also entails us to carry out the Palestinian – Palestinian agreements which we signed on, i.e. the agreements of 2005, 2006, 2009, and May agreement in 2011 without delay and without breaking down any of its items. We agreed on a unified leadership consisting of 13 factions and a number of independent figures for carrying out May 2011 agreement with the help of five committees working in parallel with that leadership without convening bilateral meetings again, and looking for the solutions and deals which the Palestinian people lost. . We agreed that that leadership would be the one which represents the mechanism of execution. This is why the agreement broke down and the Palestinian people lost five months, in addition to six years from 2005 until now. It is time now to move from the narrow factional approach to the national approach with its wide spaces for the sake of a national unity though which all the agreements are applied within a comprehensive national political frame. We have to reconsider all our economic and social plans inside and outside the occupied land and build our Palestinian institutions on comprehensive democratic bases from the municipalities to the syndicates. Representation must be fully relative in the legislative and executive institutions of the PLO. The same applies to the institutions of the coming state.