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Interviews

 
Hawatmeh in an encompassing dialogue: Israel’s internal social transformations
Towards a greater predominance of hegemony and of a racist and fascist arrogance
August 10, 2016
 

• Netanyahu’s political switches are strikes against the political machinations implemented between him and certain Arab countries, countries of the region and of the world, and they conveyed Libermann to the War Ministry.
• In Israel’s internal social transformations the “Colonialist Complex’s” hegemony and arrogance grow stronger...
• The boldness of the racist and religious rightwing in “Israel” exacerbates the fascist and racist trend… and the politization of religion leads to sudden changes in the community of “institutional and civil laws” in favor of extremist legislations and fatwas (religious legal opinions).


Prologue:

Our guest in this dialogue is the great Palestinian leader, the firm intellectual and philosopher of the Palestinian Revolution, a surname given to him by his comrades in the leadership of the Revolution and of the cultured sectors in Palestine and in Arab countries, and its founding vanguard. His role is underlined in decisive crossroads, and thus this dialogue deserves the following title: “We feel urged to see, in practice, a movement of global cultural political reform that would start out from our great institutions”, because we have the right to dream of attaining a full national independence, as future generations have the right to dream about a day in which politics is seen from the perspective e of culture, of knowledge and of the intellect, and not from the opposing angle. Future generations have the right to perceive their identity from their intellectual capital, which is an important human wealth, well removed from the media and organizational make-ups, and not only from those who assume and promote the wishes and the rights of their people and individual and collective creativity..

A philosopher of the Revolution and of the strength of dialectics, for the Revolution to be warned against intellectual laziness that would make it fall into the routine life of a status quo of the severe and cruel occupation, and deserving, therefore, the label of “blockage,” a subjective blockage in every sense and in every meaning, a motionless routine without any stimulus that might condition it to confront the historical as well as geographical challenges, and to allow it to adapt to its stereotypes in the historical holocausts, and to the darkness of the disaster of their peoples.

What we see here and there on the Arab scene is not surprising, in the crisis of Arab thought, and its incapacity vis-à-vis the neocolonial push in the region. Hawatmeh labelled the 50s and 60s of the previous century the “awakening” and the “tempestuous times”. Very early in his life, he traced the links between, on the one hand, national liberation and full Arab independence and, on the other, modernity, that is, the link between democracy and social justice. Therefore, in Hawatmeh’s agenda freedom, self-determination and the liberation from “neo-colonialism” have been present, based on the close link existing between parliamentary life, pluralism and peaceful succession in power, “democracy” on the one hand, and development and social justice on the other. In other words, the project of social justice, lacking which independence-seeking revolutions would return to tyranny and to the heritage of the past.

Among his major daily concerns, Hawatmeh concentrates his attention by contemplating the long-lasting historical blockage of Arab intellect. This intellect bequeathed a lazy, routine-prone and ruminant mind of the past on behalf of what was inherited. There, in this history that our “great” ancestors frequently repeat. They inherited laziness and bequeathed it. The vile and despotic villains bequeathed the story written by them, saturated by fratricidal wars, in which blood and death are the mottos in their dictionary, in which thrones are erected over the skeletons of the dead, they only feed on blood, and in which the distinctive features of our history are divisions and cycles of Arab blood-spilling... And all this in the name of heaven...

Nowadays, Palestine faces a crossroads, as all Arabs do, after having been left defenseless, lacking survival factors and the capacity to overcome difficulties. They are eating each other up and eating themselves up, and they take refuge in the past when beasts gather up against them. They do not manage to feel nor to conceive the present and the future. This corrosion was the cause for unity, for the common destiny and its instruments to collapse. They remain disoriented, and therefore cannot distinguish the cardinal points. They lost the compass that points towards solidarity and towards an upheaval; terrorism, divisions and the extremism of religious exclusion (Takfir) and the desecration of humanity by way of collective cemeteries and the satisfaction of the “insatiable thirst of divine vengeance” in the thrones do exacerbate, instead of a serious resistance and self-defense.

Those who attentively follow his dialogues and writings on the Palestinian plane can arrive at unequivocal conclusions with respect to his whole trajectory and life, and to the great challenges he faced, some of them pointing against his very life, particularly after the defeat following the aggression of June 1967, when he rejected the defeat and its material consequences, due to his ideas that countered stereotypes and canned politics, and against the generalization of the “categorical cognition character”.

In this dialogue, he provides his vision to his audience, with a simple, documented language, endowed with a rich methodology, so that the station platform does not become the fatherland of the forgotten, when enrooted and permanent Arab sorrow would be poverty, illiteracy and civil wars, when spoliation, banning and killings, and collective punishments are Palestine’s lot… and to once again reaffirm that… Palestine will overcome…!

Interlocutor: Joe Terzi – Gaza

Q: You have revealed the games played by Netanyahu, head of the racist, extremist government that pushed Libermann to occupy the post of Minister of War and Aggression. How do you see the “social” transformations of the Zionist project in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and other Palestinian territories occupied in 1967?

A: To begin with, let us take the “First Zionist Congress”, held in the Swiss city of Basel as a starting point and perspective angle. On the basis of the purported myth of the “divine promise” of Palestine, to the “British promise of Balfour” in 1917, with its British imperial definitions of “there where the sun never sets”, as a “national home for the Jews in Palestine”, and where Zionist bands defined their border “from the Nile to the Euphrates”, which is the way in which they identified the maximum threshold of their political ambitions and ideological bases in their interpretation of the Anglo-French Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916. In 1948 the Great Arab Nakba (National Disaster) took place, in which Zionist bands took control of 78% of the historical land of Palestine. The aggression and ensuing defeat of June 5 1967 deepened even more the mythical Zionist legend, when they occupied all the territory of historical Palestine, the Egyptian Sinai and the Syrian Golan Plateau. From there on, they took upon themselves the task of disseminating the myth of the “Invincible Army” and the purported myth of “From the Nile to the Euphrates”, with the logic of this symbol reflected on the Israeli white and blue flag. Between those two dates occurred certain developments, such as Resolution 181, referring to the partition of Palestine into two states, one of them Jewish, with 54% of the territory, and the other Palestinian, with a 46%; that resolution was linked to the returned of the Palestinian refugees to their lands and properties, by Resolution 194, and Resolution 242 was also passed by the Security Council, related to “the non-annexation of lands by force”.

The Promise of Balfour sought two goals. Firstly, to put an end to the “Jewish question” as a European issue; and secondly, to create an organic link (an umbilical cord) between the Zionist project with its imperial and colonial projects on the one hand, and their European and North American violent robberies on the other, by creating a colonial base in the region, an advanced base in the very heart of the Arab world, that would prevent Arab renaissance and progress, and would hinder the idea of Arab unity, for Arabs to be kept in a situation of division and underdevelopment, linked and subordinated to the imperial center.

After the war of June 5 1967, Israel declared the annexation of occupied East Jerusalem that very same year. Last May, the Prime Minister of the rightwing and extremist coalition announced that “The (occupied) Syrian Golan Heights would not be returned to Syria in the light of any probable agreement”, which indicates very clearly the official intentions of the plans of Netanyahu’s racist and extremist government.

In 1993 the Oslo Agreements were signed, between an influential sector within the PLO, supported by the Arab regimes and the North American administration. After over 20 years of the beginning of the so-called “Peace Process in the Middle East” –the Madrid Conference, negotiations in the framework of the so-called “Two States Solution”, against which we have struggle since the beginning of the Madrid Conference in 1991, when it broke the resolutions of the Palestinian National Council of September 1991—, the unviability of this solution has become apparent, because colonization, throughout over 22 years of destructive, useless and arbitrary negotiations allowed for the Palestinian territory occupied in 1967 to be absorbed, while the Judaization of East Jerusalem continues forward without pause nor doubts.

The "laws and legislations" that were decreed and continue to be decreed annul this idea from its very roots. Recently –and, of course, this is not the latest development… the “Justice” Minister, Ayelet Shaked, announced the bill to annex the West Bank, to subject it to Israeli laws, with the aim of legalizing the colonization of the West Bank, through the passing of the “law” as a military order, to be enforced by the commander of the central region of the Israeli army –in other words, the person responsible for the occupation of the West Bank—, and to ignore the so-called “Green Line” and the borders prior to 1967.

Israeli daily paper Maariv described this development as “a political bomb”, the largest since the aggression and occupation of 1967, and places it in the framework of this methodical accumulation played by people similar to Shaked. Previously, congress woman Orit Strok, who lives in a colony, and Knesset congressman from Likud, Yariv Levin, presented a similar bill, but Netanyahu stopped the voting, fearing international reactions, and pursued the practical changes on the field, with “accomplished facts”.

Netanyahu openly and officially rejected the French initiative, in spite of the “resolutions” passed by Israeli cabinets for the past 23 years, that is, since the beginning of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, under the USA’s unilateral auspices of the purported “Peace Process” And with respect to colonization, the US has not done anything at all in spite of its statements affirming that Israel’s attitude “obstructs peace”.

This is precisely what we questioned, and the dangers of which we alerted the Oslo players. We made our calls urging them to abandon those negotiations and to abandon the useless and destructive talks, as well as “security coordination”, and to join the Palestinian national strategy as a starting point in the direction of internalizing the Palestinian cause and Palestinian national rights. That is our posture since the start of the Madrid Conference, in 1991.

In Israel’s internal social transformations we may easily see the authority and preponderance of the “colonizing complex” within society, as we observe the exodus of laics from East Jerusalem, due to their incapacity to tolerate a fanatical reality, an indication of its inefficacy. Social transformations in Israel point to the “politization of religion” and the promotion of its legends, in the same way that we can see what I termed the “coups d’Etat” by Netanyahu. A coup d’état against the political manipulation going on between him and regional, international and Arab states by forming an amplified coalition government between Likud and the Zionist camp (Hertzog), and later on to pursue a shift in order to oppose many “understandings” achieved with various forces. Those practices are the ones that pushed Libermann to occupy the post of War Minister, having originally been the director of its office when the first cabinet was constructed. It is a competition between extremism and ultra-extremism; in other words, there is no difference between one thing and the other, as there is none between this rain and that rain. In our opinion, we can see, early in the season, acid rains that eliminate carbon, contamination and the greenhouse effect from the sky, in the same way that we see mud rains such as cancer. This is the colonization over “the land of Greater Israel”, a colonization that modifies the demographic balance, in the same way that it changes the social balance inside Israel and pushes it to ever more extremist postures in a diabolical marathon. The Israeli press mirrored, in its 18-19 May 2016 editions, a sense of shock. On May 20, Israel Today, a periodical close to Netanyahu, in an attempt to dissipate official Arab disappointment and irritation, as well as internal “Israeli” fear for having named Libermann –who publicly threatened with a nuclear bombing against the Aswan Dam in Egypt— as War Minister, claimed: “There is no problem whatsoever, they will get used to him; those who scream their hearts out today and had already screamed in the past when he was named Minister for Foreign Affairs.”

Nevertheless, reality has its very own meanings and aspects. The fact is that Netanyahu insists on pursuing ahead on the path of the right, of fascism, racism and expansion and violence to the end. Inside his cranium there is only room for the “Israeli” racist and colonial mentality in general, plus arrogance, plus bloodshed, plus crimes, plus expansion, plus violence. Arab governments must awaken and come out of their division, in the same way that we must put an end to the destructive Palestinian division.

At a Palestinian level, things are clear and have been decided on at a popular level: not to surrender to war criminals and to the hoodlums of fascism and racism.

Q: From you viewpoint and your objective analysis of what is happening on Palestinian soil, will divisions within the occupying society deepen? Have we already seen –through the various stages of our Revolution, the end of the rise of this thief, colonialist state? After the latest Conference of Herzliya, which would be the questions about the future of this state?

A: 68 years after the founding of the state of Israel, the world glances at fascism in its darkest and racist forms, and it also observes the disappearance of the “social” ideas that gave it birth, that is, “political Zionism”, and thereafter come the questions about “post-Zionism” and the re-assessments made by the “new historians” who have shaken the structure of Israel from its very bases, the ideas of its founding. Among these ideas, there era aspects that I pointed out with the outbreak of the Palestinian Revolution, and the impossibility of establishing “a State from the Nile to the Euphrates”; the impossibility of attaining peace is even harder within the “Greater Israel”, from the river to the sea, over the totality of Palestinian geography.

Today we witness the flourishing and boundless strengthening of the racist right and of the religious extreme rightwing in particular, at the level of public opinion, and its penetration into government institutions, besides the strengthening of the fascist and racist tendency. Those changes reflect upon the strong rise of the religious extreme rightwing current that is devouring the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem. At the same time, and at an internal level, it tends to impose new sharp turns on the totality of “institutional” and civic laws, for the benefit of religious “laws” taken from the ideological legends. All of this topples what it has disseminated ever since it was founded, and the claims of its organic link, that is, the relationship that exists between Zionism and “democracy”. Those are the questions and unknown facts, “the future”, in the recent Conference of Herzliya (the statements of the Joint Chief of Staff, Yair Golán, of ex-Prime Minister Ehud Barak and Moshé Yaalon, another former War Minister. Fear of the extremist theses pinned on Jewish religion that would put an end to the concepts of “Zionist preachings” of the so-called “promising society” Fascism began by undertaking global changes in the teaching courses under the direction of Naftali Bennett, Minister of Education, with the intention of training generations nurtured with poisoned milk, the danger of which will come home like chickens to roost on its very own society and the destiny of their own children.

The “future of Israel” is again in question, through the rejection and evasion of military service, the increase in the figures of emigration, the deterioration of the prestige of “Israel” and of its influence abroad, all of this hand in hand with an increased international tendency to combat its fascism, in the light of the theses of “religious myth-construction” and “the chosen people” and “religious nationalism”. Israel is aware of the deep changes that are taking place beyond its walls and of the need to submit to international resolutions. Such evaluations are spontaneous, for a subjective and objective re-assessment is constantly required, particularly towards the inside of the Palestinian party, and afterwards “the others”, taking into account the fact that the original idea of promotion is that of presenting political Zionism as a “national liberation movement”, based on the religious myth-construction exploited by the Zionist policy, with the aim of making attempts to “strengthen the relationship between the people and the land”. (!)

All of this is happening in the midst of its transformation into a “Jewish religious State” the manifestations of which we will find in the fatwas (religious dictum) of the Great Rabbi Ovadia Yosef and his son, the rabbi Yitzhak Yosef, when they justify the presence of Palestinians on their soil, only to play the role of “servants of the Jews”, and forbid them, as all aliens, “the non-Jewish”, to live in these lands. This rabbi was the first one to put forth a dictum that legalized the murder of Palestinian youths during the Intifada, and other rabbis followed his lead.

Those fatwas appear to be a showcase for public opinion. However, the questions that they give rise to provoke a horribly fear within “Israel” in the light of the lot of the very project of foundation at an internal level, which has nothing to do with the purported support to the humanitarian idea at an external level.
If we carefully look at international developments and the way humanitarian issues unfold, we see that internal change, although weak at this point, cannot be dismissed as meaningless. The move is in the direction of a deepening of internal divisions as the extreme rightwing goes on with its ideological statements. They claim to be a “religious State” and therefore all other ideas are “bastards and contaminated”. Such fears led civilian and military leaders inside “Israel” to “compare the very Israeli tactics towards Palestinians with the practices of the Nazi holocaust against the Jews, at the time of the Second World War”. Does this not reflect a deep division of Israeli structure? And other factors could be added to this.

In mid-May of this year, the Venezuelan ambassador to the UN Security Council made a statement that appeared published in the diary Israel Today, in which he pointed out “Israel plans a solution that would exterminate Palestinians, such as what happened to the Jews in World War II”. What is then the difference between the reading made by the Venezuelan ambassador and that of the chief of the General Staff, Yair Golán, when the latter textually expressed: “In recent times, Israel is witnessing racial phenomena that bring to mind what was lived in Germany in the period preceding the Jewish holocaust, in the thirties and forties of the past century”. This statement met the support of Avi Gabay, Minister of the Environment.

On the same date, the journal Yediot published the news that the UN Secretary General “accuses Israel, in a report that will be published shortly, of assassinating thirty Palestinian children”. This news coincided with the trials staged against Palestinian children. The journal Maariv, on the other hand, pointed out that “the report will include strong criticism and assessments with respect to the settlements, in an unprecedented development, as well as with respect to the demolition of Palestinian houses and collective punishments (Report of the International Quartet Presented to the Security Council on 1/7/2016), and described by Netanyahu as a "farce" as soon as it was presented, on the very same day. Therefore, the question is, for everything to march at a Palestinian level, that there must be a return to the national strategy, beginning with the internationalization of the Palestinian cause, since world public opinion, sympathizers of the Palestinian cause and of Palestinian national rights and the just nature of this cause, are expecting that position, firstly, coming from the genuine masters of that cause. That is how it must be in order to achieve a greater world solidarity and understanding with respect to our cause, contravening the extremist, fascist cause, contrary to peace in the world. Vis-à-vis the racist practices and crimes against humanity, the Palestinians have on their side the incomparable against the incentives of hatred and resentment.

After the Paris Conference, a rabbi from the settlers published a fatwa in which he made a call to poison the water in Palestinian villages and cities, with the goal of forcing their population to abandon their lands, or to kill them, as the Israeli press published. On June 20, the Israeli government approved a sum of hundreds of million dollars to undertake settlement projects in the West Bank. To speak of “peace and negotiations” and “the two-state solution” has been a merchandise destined for the public to consume in exchange for winning time to pursue colonization and Judaization, putting in check the Palestinian people, its existence and its rights on the soil of their fatherland.

Should all this not push us in the direction of putting an end to division? Ten years of lean cows, worn out in vain in the struggle for “power, money an influence between the two parties of the division”. Should this not call on us to put an end to division, and to put a stop to crimes against our people, and to confront colonial colonization that is devouring land, uproots the population, the stone and the tree?

To make all those aspects in motion, the starting point should be the collective Palestinian national position, which, if reactivated, will make it possible to attain the other international positions favorable to our cause and those who sympathize with justice.

Q: The extremist and racist government and its coalition in power maneuver in an overt way against “the Arab peace initiative”. The Democratic Front has in the past de-masked these new deceiving maneuvers, towards normalization and the leading role of one of the parties of inter-Arab division. How do you see the Arab future, in the light of present-day Israeli maneuvers? Will the new Israeli scripts find reception in the Arab world and will they show the way towards new political maps?

A: Israel is watching what is going on in the Arab world with great satisfaction. It is clear as noon light that its hands are inside all that destruction, division and fractioning going on there. At an official Arab level, there are those who put pressure on the Palestinian National Authority, urging it to offer new concessions that, in its view, could dissuade Israel from its negations and, since there are no more possibilities of concessions, there is nothing that could be renounced. Firstly, Israel does not want a solution. It resorts to the pretext of its “security”, which could only be achieved after concessions are made to nullify the essence of the Palestinian cause and the reason for Palestinian national rights. Some of the official Arab sectors claim that the Palestinian cause is a part of regional and inter-Arab division. That is why scrip, the hydraulic sources, refugees and East Jerusalem, without mentioning their political conditions as regional players at an Arab level in general. The official Palestinian party has no merchandise to forego. Therefore, the trend in Israel is to address the official Arab party to obtain concessions, focusing on Arab regimes.

Israel has not taken the French effort seriously. It only clings to direct negotiations with the Palestinian party, without a ceiling nor a chronogram, without a referent, but carrying on with the settlement plans, negotiations without a framework and without a time limit, as a continuation of the destructive and useless negotiations in the course of 22 years.

International and European actions, with all their weight, did not convince Israel. Netanyahu continues ahead with the maneuver of offering “bad checks” to the Arab parties. Meanwhile, the measures to convert East Jerusalem to Judaism make all those allegations burst in pieces, particularly when Netanyahu misses no opportunity to repeat, in the face of the whole world, “Jerusalem is the eternal capital of Israel”. Netanyahu does not defy the Palestinians, but the whole official Arab system and the whole world which, through the UN Security Council passed several resolutions that call on Israel to withdraw from Palestinian soil, that reject colonization and the measures to render Jewish in Jerusalem. The fact is that Israel is aware of the fact that Jerusalem is no longer on official Arab agendas. Jerusalem is an orphan under occupation.

Western Europe announced that it would put Israel on trial for its actions. The United States of America made the same announcement. We ask ourselves, “Will they impose sanctions due to the occupation of Palestinian land and fascist practices? We do not believe that they might do so, as long as the Palestinian National Authority limits itself to denouncing and to pursue security coordination with Israel, and to continue ahead with its failed sectarian project of 22 years of negotiations, going from one failure to the next.

Netanyahu demands the "modernization" of the Arab initiative in the Beirut Summit. What they are pretending is to turn it upside down, in other words, to totally dynamite it. Therefore, Arab regimes are facing a crossroads: on the one hand, the situation of faits accomplis imposed on them by Israel, and, on the other, the quest for another option related to their role and, consequently, to reject submission to the dilemma presented by Netanyahu.

During the Herzlsiya Summit, Yaalon, the dismissed War Minister, was talking from a podium referring to the Arab initiative, when Netanyahu called him on his cell phone and his voice message was heard: “Shut up, because the Arab initiative is in the freezer until the discourse on peace cools down.

On previous occasions, Netanyahu announced that there will be no withdrawal from the occupied Syrian Golan, while he continued on with the resource of offering bad checks to Arab regimes. Governing Arab circles repeat to exhaustion, since 2002, the motto: “Peace is an unreplaceable strategic alternative”, in spite of the fact that, to achieve peace, it requires elements of force, and as long as Israel is the part rejecting peace and maintaining a position of strength, there will be nothing. Nevertheless, Netanyahu’s observations referring that “the Arab initiative contains positive elements”, is only to give the impression of a positive “change” with respect to the initiative. Of course, everything ended exactly with the closure of the Paris Conference, and his maneuvers juggling act were unmasked.

The Arab situation no only unmasks the official Arab system, but also the Israeli systematical practices leading to the act of “Making the State Jewish”, because this step is an official announcement of its racist character, when it came into a blind alley, facing an unsurmountable l. It rejects the two-state solution on the borders prior to June 4 (1967) and opposes the establishment of only one state. The two-state solution implies the recognition of the existence of the Palestinian people, and the same would happen in the case of only one state characterized by racial discrimination. Nevertheless, if the Palestinian state is not created, the indexes of resistance will increase and its racism and its extremism will be discovered.

For a few days, Netanyahu was mounted on the wings of the peace dove in an overt theatrical maneuver, in the light of a revolt of Arab reaction, rather a tempest in a teacup: "The Arab initiative is in the freezer”, and will soon cool off, because Arab governments have before them an endless number of pressing conflicts, and the Palestinian cause (the Arabs’ central cause) does not occupy, among those conflicts, a high priority; therefore, there is no inconvenience to presume that there exists a disposition to arrive at an agreement, but will not convince anyone.

Thus, the Israeli scripts are present in the quest for greater destruction and fragmentation of Arab societies and capacities. This does not come from out of the blue, but from a loss (by Arab regimes) of all their defensive capacities and of the fact of having fallen so low in the links of internal corrosion, until losing their compass and their capacity to distinguish the friend from the enemy, as long as they do not pursue reform movements guided by men of confidence and based on secure political, cultural, social and security options in the reconstruction of the civic state, by way of democracy linked to social justice, that would clear the way to unity, and would reject tribal, confessional and ethnic tendencies when embracing the healthy and correct concept of the Democratic National Civic State, the state of citizens’ equality, equality between man and woman, for society to reject all that might contort its senses and sublime objectives. It must exclude religion from politics, repudiate the politization of religion, and put an end to the wars of division, civil, confessional and functional wars. This is what we live in many Arab countries. It must rectify and perfect Arab history towards a scientific future and a society of capacities, instead of heresy and clinging to the past through the “State of the Caliphate”, religious exclusion and desecration on man by man and of every humanitarian value. The past has not yet passed, and the Arab wheel of time rests motionless, as long as we reject the present and the future.

We must engage this road to exit from the strong and chronic lethargy of the intellect, for history to again open its doors to us, instead of remaining as hostages of the sepulchers and of the past, subsumed in a civilization in which only instincts triumph, instead of being prepared to confront challenges.

Q: You have referred, on numerous occasions, to the experience of Latin America, and you have given to it a special space in your books and analyses. How do you assess the setback of the left in Latin America?

A: I dislike the word “setback”, because the official Arab system used it to refer to its shameful defeat in 1967. From the angles of the reading of political phenomena from the perspective of the cognitive and material vision, I can affirm that history moves in a spiral sense, but always ascending.

The new Latin American democratic left opened its path since the 1970s. Latin America had always been considered as “Washington’s back yard”. The major struggles accumulated contributed to its access to power via the principle of democratic succession. Since the 1970s, they have had to face savage liberalism and coups d’etat, military, orchestrated by or linked to Washington, and to face a globalized propaganda with bad intentions. Therefore, confrontation between the Latin American new left and Washington is a struggle between the idea of pluralist democracy, socialism and social justice on the one hand, and, on the other, dependency, subordination and hegemony, and the plunder of the wealth and resources of those nations.

In my book, that you have just mentioned, I approached the Latin American revolutionary experience on the bases of the poverty indexes and an abundant series of data and comparisons that led me to those conclusions. The new Latin American left appeared in diverse forms after Cuba’s lengthy and heroic resistance on the Isle of Liberty throughout half a century.

The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank did all they could to drown the continent in the most extreme poverty, without mentioning the role that the big monopolies played in this sense. I must point out that this left emerged and stood after the collapse of the Soviet socialist model and that of Eastern Europe.

I want to say that this fact is a continuation of the struggle between socialism and capitalism in its savage stage. It is a struggle that will continue to be present within the community of sublime political values, in particular between equality and social justice on the one hand, and on the other, the claims of “free market” capitalism.

In the real world, the Latin American left frustrated the US political propaganda, which argues that there is no alternative to capitalism and its ideological domain. There is no other way, since capitalism is “the end of History”, according to Fukuyama, the acknowledged Political Science professor who later on went back on his assertion.

The new Latin American left provided different models, from the combination of socialism with capitalism, between “equality, justice and freedom”, and maintained close links with the United States of America and the financial institutions of the world capitalist system. The experiences of Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador and Uruguay turned into examples and samples of this experience. The late President Hugo Chavez provided a stronger model than the one proposed by Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Nicaragua when it displayed an interest for being fused with the world economy, taking as a starting point the precept that true democracy consists in elevating the standards of living of wide sectors of the Venezuelan people. Hugo Chavez resorted to the nationalization of the national wealth as a base for the socialist experience and thus came into a head-on confrontation with the USA. The Peruvian left did the same thing when it nationalized the copper mines.

Throughout the Cold War period, Washington did what it could and what it could not to avoid a repetition of the Cuban experience in other nations of Latin America. The Latin American democratic left, therefore, achieved its efficacy by implementing changes at a popular level, through a democratic process, without ignoring the role of the financial and economic giant, the locomotive of the Latin American economy, Brazil, that counts on an enormous economy and an enormous market.

The fact that Brazil joined the BRICS, together with Russia, India, China and South Africa, motivated Washington’s anger, even more because the BRICS offered their vision regarding the Asian Bank and the multi-polar financial system. BRICS is a giant economic grouping at an international level. Brazil, on the other hand, adopted economic policies that dealt blows on US hegemony and shook the foundations of economic dependency while affecting the North American monopolies and those of its satellites and local lackeys. Chavez’ challenges in Venezuela had their starting point within the organization of crude producers, the OPEC. President Cristina Kirchner, from the Peronist left (left-of-center) insulted the policies of the US (from the UN tribunes) declaring its support to oppressed peoples, and in particular to Palestine and Iraq. She accused Washington of backing international terrorism and the organizations of Al-Qaeda. One might say that the US globalized media are the ones that overthrew Kirchner, and are the ones that plan to overthrow Dilma Roussef, from the Workers’ Party of Brazil, by the way of local instruments ready to do whatever would be necessary.

Washington punished the union leader Lula da Silva by inventing accusations of corruption, but in vain.

This workers’ leader is in himself a cocktail of a sort of a long and difficult history of struggle. I have witnessed his personal sensibility when I saw him shed his tears. Nevertheless, they failed. Nowadays, their attempts continue against Roussef, the fighter against Brazilian dictatorships who consecrates all her energies to the goal of democratic diversity and social justice.

At the same time, Washington continues its machinations and maneuvers together with the Venezuelan reaction in order to overthrow President Maduro. Is this then the end of history?

The new Latin American left is a movement of peoples who long for social justice and democratic diversity. While those confrontations emerge, capitalism and North American savage liberalism lose ground throughout the world. It is a long struggle and will continue in time.

Q: Let us return to the subject of the Palestinian internal division… Is Palestinian devastation and division a decided and unescapable lot? And until when…? What is your message, in this stage of the struggle, for Arab peoples and the Palestinian people…?

A: Happy celebration of Eid Al-Fitr, and congratulations on this opportunity for our Palestinian people, resisting and firm… for Arab and Muslim peoples… and for free men throughout the world…

Our struggling and free Palestinian people… firm in the fatherland and everywhere… If we glance at the already disappeared empires of ancient times, that practiced slavery and discrimination, we see that they disappeared, and that the allegations that their power was well above humans only pretended to oversee rights and to prevent their organization on the bases of equality and justice.
Today they suffer occupation, racial discrimination, colonization and apartheid, the same terms that history threw away into the bin.

Today, thanks to their firmness and sacrifices, the legend and the myth have been unmasked for the benefit of wide liberal sectors within the very Zionist Judaism. Moreover, it is heading towards fascism, which becomes gradually strengthened in the articulations of the state. On the other hand, the debate around the dangers that emanate from racist and fascist phenomena become increasingly acute, to the point that the deputy head of the General Staff, Yair Golán, in an official statement, warned that “Those phenomena make us recall what was going on in Germany 70, 80 years ago,” in reference to the emergence of Nazism. On 16/6/2016, in the Herzliya Conference about Israel’s security, the former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and the former War Minister, Moshe Yaalon, repeated Yair Golan’s statement.

Those are the true elements of the legend behind the discovery of the deceit based on the dissemination of the idea that “Palestine is the Promised Land”, that had become two infernos: the one of those who were tricked by the Zionist Jews… and the other inferno, the one of those who were transformed into slaves and colonized in racist and fascist ways… those who were uprooted from the soil of their fatherland...

A simple observation of the racist and fascist transformations leads us to conclude that all their victories in the wars against the Arabs are no more than the prelude of a total defeat, because their starting points are racial concepts, alien to the morale and ethics of history and to its natural evolution... in this context, the paradox is that the very authorities of occupation are the ones that fabricate and nurture those transformations within Israeli society, instead of putting a stop to them, or to find a solution to them, because what their governments are committing against our Palestinian people is similar to what the Nazis did to the Jews. This reality has already come into the focus of European peoples. It was a postponed moment since the nefarious promise of Balfour.

I tell Arab peoples... The promise of Balfour was present in the British colonial agenda after the Sykes–Picot agreements. And for the former to take place, the latter had to be present inside the hearts of Arabs. I repeat what Rony Daniel (former officer of Israeli forces) said on Channel 2 of Israeli television: “I see no future for my children in Israel, because the manifestations of fascism are true, and because the state is sliding downhill on every terrain”.

These are the results of their exploits. Our people, under the odious fascist occupation, the suffering of out heroic prisoners, the blood spilt by the martyrs on the occupied soil since 1948 on the Day of the Land, in the refugee camps and in the diaspora, in Jordan, Lebanon and Syria; in Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip under siege, subjected to war crimes. There they have their eyes on the Gaza Strip, that recalls the Warsaw Ghetto, although they are not similar in certain details.

It is you who will de-mask in the face of the world the phenomena of racism and violence, who will uproot them by defeating odious occupation, by defeating fascism that is invading the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, fascism based on racial discrimination in the territories occupied since 1948. This is the natural development of the colonialist idea of foundation that will lead doubtlessly to both phenomena at once: fascism and racism.

To Arab and Muslim peoples I say, a century after the Sykes –Picot agreements: what is threatening the Arabs, their fatherlands, states and peoples, their destiny and the future of generations to come, depends on the destinies of “their central cause”, Palestine. Their destiny shares the lot of dangers due to the diabolical scripts of division and fragmentations –pre-national ones, prior to the formation of the nation state— with a view to justify the existence and the leadership of the “Jewish State” in the region. That is the essence of the Arab-Israeli conflict, and we hear comments and perceive direct indications that start out from declared or secret processes of normalization. The objective and the goal of any Arab renaissance can be reduced to two inseparable aspects: first, modernity, after attaining full independence through liberation and the elimination of dependency; and, second, the re-establishment of democracy and social justice.

My message to Arab peoples and states is what Netanyahu recently declared in a meeting of their Council of Ministers (12/6/2016), in response to the Arab peace initiative of 2002, and I quote:

"I will never approve the Arab peace initiative as a basis of negotiations between Israel and Palestinians, and if Arab states conceive that they should modify its contents as demanded by Israel, then we might talk about that initiative. If they come to us with that initiative in its original text of 2002, and tell us: take it or leave it, they we will opt for leaving it.”

Netanyahu declared (Haaretz, 13/6/2016) that "The positive part of the initiative is the disposition of Arab states to arrive at a peace and at a normalization with Israel. It is obvious that negative elements are the demand for a withdrawal to the lines prior to 1967 and the exchange of territories, the withdrawal from the Golan plateau, a solution for the refugee problem; and all of this is totally unacceptable for us.”

In the session of the “Likud Council of Ministers” he said that “the initiative was presented 13 years ago, and it is like gone-by waters that are useless. Ever since, many changes have happened in the Middle East, and therefore the Arab initiative should not be open to modifications, and not be an initiative of dictate.”

This statement by Netanyahu in the Likud Council of Ministers represents a shameless pressure on Arab states to extract from them ever more destructive and serious concessions, damaging for national rights, those of Palestinians as well as those of Arabs: a prior normalization, a renunciation of the borders previous to June 4 1967, a renunciation of East Jerusalem, a renunciation to the rights of refugees, a renunciation to the Golan plateau and to the Lebanese hamlets of Shabaa.

Arab peoples and states, parties and workers’ unions, intellectuals and writers, satellite channels and mass media; they are all called upon to denunciate and reject the conditions put forth by Netanyahu and the rightwing government and the fascist extreme rightwing. They are all called upon to put an end to concessions and to the deterioration of the Arab position, and to adhere firmly and responsibly to the resolutions of international law, and firstly to the UN decision of November 2012, in which the State of Palestine is recognized as an observer member, with its borders traced by the lines prior to June 4 1967, and its capital in East Jerusalem, the return of refugees according to Resolution 194 and the declaration of the International Quartet presented on July 1st 2016 to the UN Security Council, inciting Israel “to put an end to colonization in the territories occupied in 1967".

The National Palestinian Authority (NPA) and Arab states are called on to address the UN with a new draft resolution, “to recognize the State of Palestine as a full member of the UN and in the international community, to demand protection for the Palestinian land and people and the occupied Arab territories under the auspices of the UN”.

I invite the Palestinian National Authority to leave aside the police of immobility, and to pass on to pursue a unified national policy to implement the resolutions of the Central Council and the Executive Committee of the PLO, to cease the security coordination with the occupying force, who practices a colonizing invasion and the Judaization of Jerusalem and the West Bank, and to act in the direction of lifting the blockade imposed on the courageous Gaza Strip.

I call on every Palestinian detachment in the Gaza Strip to form a resistance front to defeat any future aggression against the courageous Gaza Strip; I call on them to put an end to division, to establish a unified national leadership to unite themselves around it and to support the Intifada of the Youth and to develop a Global Popular Intifada.

The destructive division is not an unchangeable lot, and already a decade of urgencies and penuries has gone by. We have a central link in the common national struggle that imposes itself because of its timeliness after the failure of "Doha II", in which Al-Fatah and Hamas failed to reach agreements on the distribution of quotas of power and the exclusion of other forces. What is prevailing is the need for all political and social forces to unite to overthrow it and to impose the execution of the national agreements taken by unanimity. This is the only posture that capacitates us to confront the contrary measures and maneuvers of the enemy.

Division only benefits the enemy, that is why it supports it and uses it in its plans. It is essential to recover national unity, to restore the national political coalition with the participation of all the political and social forces, to reconstruct the PLO, sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, on democratic foundations based on the full percentage representation. What is required is to put this into practice, in the light of the egotistic sectarian and individual interests that have a narrow horizon. What is required is that an end be put to this link, the most dangerous one, in the history of Palestinian divisions. It is essential to recover the collective national consciousness without authoritarian nor sectarian dimensions, to put a radical and strategic end to this division and to accelerate the date of the meeting of the provisional Palestinian High Command, in particular on the chapter referring to the convening of Secretaries General of the Palestinian detachments and the President of the Palestinian National Council and the independents, in order to administer Palestinian affairs, after the starting point of putting an end to division, and to pass on to the democratization of national institutions through the principle of a percentage representation, as expressed in the PLO coalition. The PLO and the PNA in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip are not domains of this or that detachment due to an Arab, regional or international support the PLO y the PNA en west Bank or through bloody political and military coups d’état, the central axis of which is the partition of power, money and sectarian and individual influence, the distribution of sectarian and regional quotas among local forces, regional, international and expansionist Israeli axes.

From the tribune you provide, I salute our firm and resisting people.
Eternal glory to martyrs!
Freedom for the prisoners of liberty!
Long live the Intifada of Palestinian youth!

 

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